Skip to main content
SpringerLink
Log in

Kanga Made in Japan: The Flow from the Eastern to the Western End of the Indian Ocean World

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
Textile Trades, Consumer Cultures, and the Material Worlds of the Indian Ocean

Part of the book series: Palgrave Series in Indian Ocean World Studies ((IOWS))

  • 650 Accesses

Abstract

This chapter explores Japanese printed cotton cloth (kanga) production and distribution along the East African coast in the twentieth century. Using interviews, private documents, newspapers and contemporary reports, the chapter shows the history of Japanese kanga from their origin in the context of Japanese modernization, as well as global circumstances. This link between Japan and East Africa was not direct; rather, it has connected through various actors around the Indian Ocean, such as Dutch Batik manufacturers, European companies located in South East Asia, Sindi merchants in Kobe, and so on. The links were only possible through these actors.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Log in via an institution

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    Toshi Okakura and Katsuhiko Kitagawa, Nihon-Afurika kōryū-shi: Meiji-ki kara dai-ni-ji sekai taisen made (Tokyo: Dōbunsha, 1993); Chieko Orimoto, Kanga ni miserarte: Higashi-Afurika no mahou no nuno (Tokyo: Rengō Shuppan, 1998).

  2. 2.

    For example, see Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Hikoichi Yajima, Umi ga tsukuru bunmei: Indo- yo kaiiki sekai no rekishi (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun, 1992); Kenneth McPherson, The Indian Ocean: a History of People and the Sea (Delhi and New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Milo Kearney, The Indian Ocean in World History (New York: Routledge, 2004).

  3. 3.

    John Kirkman, Fort Jesus: A Portuguese Fortress on East African Coast (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), p. 107; Chapurukha Kusimba, ‘The Archaeology and Ethnography of Iron Metallurgy on the Kenya Coast’ (Ph.D. diss., Bryn Mawr College, 1993), pp. 154–155.

  4. 4.

    The work of Pedro Machado provides an excellent corrective to this view, for which see Ocean of Trade: South Asian Merchants, Africa and the Indian Ocean, c. 1750–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

  5. 5.

    Machado, Ocean of Trade.

  6. 6.

    Ned Bertz, “Indian Ocean World Travellers: Moving Models in Multi-Sited Research,” in Journeys and Dwellings: Indian Ocean Themes in South Asia, ed. Helen Basu (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2008), p. 28.

  7. 7.

    See, for example, Claude Markovits, Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750–1947: Traders of Sind from Bukhara to Panama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Hideaki Suzuki, “Standing on the Borderline: The Indian Merchants in the Nineteenth Century East Coast of Africa,” in Empires and Networks: Maritime Asian Experiences, 9th to 19th Century, eds. Kayoko Fujita and Geoffrey Wade (Singapore: Singapore University Press, forthcoming).

  8. 8.

    Rose M. Beck, Texte auf Textilien in Ostafrika (Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag, 2001); Elisabeth Linnebuhr, “Kanga: Popular Cloths with Messages,” in Sokomoko: Popular Culture in East Africa, ed. Wemer Graebner, Special Issue of Matatu, 9 (1992), pp. 81–90; Sherifa Zawawi, Kanga: The Cloth that Speaks (Bronx: Azaniya Hills Press, 2005); David Parkin, “Textile as Commodity, Dress as Text: Swahili Kanga and Women’s Statements,” in Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies, ed. Ruth Barnes (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), pp. 47–67.

  9. 9.

    MacKenzie Moon Ryan, “The Global Reach of a Fashionable Commodity: A Manufacturing and Design History of Kanga Textiles” (Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, 2013); and Moon Ryan this volume.

  10. 10.

    Laura Fair, Pastime and Politics: Culture, Community and Identity in Post-Abolition Urban Zanzibar, 1890–1945 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2001), p. 79.

  11. 11.

    Jeremy Prestholdt, Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), pp. 135–136.

  12. 12.

    Michael Smitka, The Textile Industry and the Rise of the Japanese Economy: Japanese Economic History 1600–1960 (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1998), p. 6.

  13. 13.

    Ian Inkster, The Japanese Industrial Economy: Late Development and Cultural Causation (London and New York: Routledge, 2001), p. 200; Katsuo Iwata, Nihon sen’i sangyō to kokusai kankei (Kyoto: Hōritsu Bunka-sha, 1984), p. 1; Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi kankou iinkai, Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi (Tokyo: Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai sen’i nenkan kankō-kai, 1958), vol. 1, p. 50; Yamada, Nihon shihon-syugi bunseki (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1934), pp. 19–25.

  14. 14.

    “Nihon ginkō meiji-ikō honpō syuyō keizai tōkei,” accessed December 23, 2016, www.nikkei.co.jp/needs/senzen/contents/index.html.

  15. 15.

    Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi kankou iinkai, Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi, p. 72.

  16. 16.

    Ibid.

  17. 17.

    For example, see Kikuzaburō Fukui, “Kōkeiki no tōrai wo kisuruniha mizukara kaitakushi setsuyakushi doryokuseyo,” January 11–12, 1925, Chūgai Shōgyō Shimpō (hereafter CSS); “Higashi-Afurika toha,” March 1–6, 14–24, 1926, Ōsaka Mainichi Shimbun (OMS). See also Okakura and Kitagawa, Nihon-Afurika kōryū-shi, pp. 103–104.

  18. 18.

    Ships set sail from Kobe and always stopped at Osaka. After that, according to demand, they stopped at Yokohama, Nagoya, and Yokkaichi before leaving Japan. After leaving Japan, they sailed on to Mombasa, arriving after thirty-five days, via Hong Kong, Singapore, and Colombo. After Mombasa, ships proceeded to Durban via Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, Beira and Lourenço Marques. For more on this, see Ikai Shirakawa, Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi (Tokyo: Hakubun-kan, 1928), pp. 338–339. In the same month that OSK started this regular route, the Nihon Yusen began stopping at East African ports, notably Mombasa and Lourenço Marques, on its regular route to South America.

  19. 19.

    Ibid., 6. In the same month, the Nihon Yusen Kaisya (Japan Mail Steamer Company) also started to stop at Mombasa en route to South America. Ibid.

  20. 20.

    “Ryoshō-tai no hakenchi,” May 16, 1926, OMS; “Higashi-Afurika he waga shōhin hanro wo kakuchō,” November 23, 1926, CSS; “Ryoshō miyage banashi,” 1–5, June 1–5, 1927, OMS.

  21. 21.

    Gaimushō Tsūshō-kyoku, ed., Eiryō Higashi-Afurika Jijyō (Tokyo: Gaimushō Tsūshō-kyoku), p. 1.

  22. 22.

    Okakura and Kitagawa, Nihon-Afurika kōryū-shi, pp. 99–103.

  23. 23.

    Shirakawa, Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi, pp. 6, 10, 22–25.

  24. 24.

    Nagato Yagi, “Dojin no kaumono ha mazu dai-ichi ni ifuku,” August 28, 1930, OAS. See also Kenji Kodama, “Honpō yusyutsu bōeki no Shimbunya ha higashi-Afurika,” January 6, 1926, CSS.

  25. 25.

    “Tōa to nihon”, pp. 1–6, 15–25 October 1927, OAS.

  26. 26.

    Katsuhiko Kitagawa, “Nihon-Minami Afurika tsusho kankei-shi kenkyu” (Ph.D diss., Graduate University for Advanced Studies, 1999), p. 137; Ujirō Ōyama, Afurika-miyage: kidan issoku (Tokyo: Sekirokaku shobō, 1930), pp. 120–121. These cottons were normally sent to Japan; however, if raw cotton price increased significantly in the international market, some of them were sent to Bombay or Hong Kong for resale.

  27. 27.

    Shirakawa, Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi, pp. 4–5.

  28. 28.

    “Nihon-hin ga dai-ichii,” September 4, 1925, OAS.

  29. 29.

    Shirakawa, Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi, p. 296.

  30. 30.

    Ibid; Gaimushō Tsūshō-kyoku, ed., Eiryō Higashi-Afurika Jijyō.

  31. 31.

    On February 15,1928, Kōbe Shimbun (KS) explained the appearance of the first Japanese cotton products in East Africa as follows; “The first Japanese products imported into East Africa were sent by merchants in Bombay, who sold over-stocked Japanese products at a loss there.” See also Ōyama, Afurika-miyage, pp. 145–146.

  32. 32.

    Shirakawa, Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi, p. 297. See also “Afurika kōro dai-issen,” March 23, 1926, OAS.

  33. 33.

    Shirakawa, Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi, p. 298. This pattern of the British taking a large market share in bleached cotton and Japan holding a large market share in unbleached cotton was one that characterized not only the East African market, but also other markets such as India (ibid., p. 299).

  34. 34.

    For example, “Waga shōhin no shin hanro chōsa,” April 7, 1926, OAS; pp. 24–26 September 1939, Kokumin Shimbun (KKS).

  35. 35.

    Around the beginning of the 1930s, Japanese bleached textiles began to gain market share. See “Dageki wo kōmuru Oranda bōseki,” August 1, 1932, CSS. In addition, artificial silk rayon textiles, an item in which the Japanese had an advantage, simultaneously began to circulate widely in East Africa (“Higashi-Afurika ni daishinsyutu,” November 8, 1932, Hōchi Shimbun (HS)).

  36. 36.

    For example, see “Sekai kanzei sen,” March 31–April 16, 1933, OMS; “Nihon yusyutu bōeki no hijyouji,” June 7–21, 1933, OAS.

  37. 37.

    “Keizai kaigi shūhō,” June 19, 1933, OAS; “Malā Afurika kanzei hikiage de Ei hongoku ni kougisu,” June 28, 1933, ibid.; “Eiryō higashi Afurika mo kanzei hikiage,” June 28, 1933, ibid.; “Tō-A kanzei hikiage de Kadono komon kougi,” June 29, 1933, ibid.; “Ware otoraji to nihon-hin haiseki,” July 24, 1933, ibid.; “Zanjibaru kanzei wo hikiage,” August 16, 1933, OMS; “Tō-A Zanjibaruu mo houhin nerau kanzei hikiage,” August 16, 1933, OJS; “Tō-A kanzei hikiage,” August 18, 1933, OAS.

  38. 38.

    On the international situation regarding the export of Japanese cotton products, see also Nihon orimono shimbun-sha hensan-bu, ed., Dai-nihon orimono nisen roppyakunen-shi (Osaka: Nihon orimono shimbun-sha, 1940), vol. 2, p. 387.

  39. 39.

    Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi kankou iinkai, Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi, p. 71.

  40. 40.

    Ibid., pp. 71–92.

  41. 41.

    Ibid., pp. 82–84.

  42. 42.

    Ibid., pp. 84–85.

  43. 43.

    Ibid., p. 92.

  44. 44.

    Takahiro Ōhata, GHQ no senryō seisaku to keizai fukkō: saikō suru Nihon bōseki-gyō (Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2013), p. 3.

  45. 45.

    Mataji Miyamoto, “Yamaguchi Gendō no kotodomo to kokyō hōshi,” Ōsaka Daigaku-shi Kiyō 2 (1982), p. 7; Nihon menshifu yusyutu kumiai, Nihon mengyō bōeki shōshi (Osaka: Nihon menshifu yusyutu kumiai, 1957), p. 51.

  46. 46.

    Mamoru Hirata, Kanga tono deai (private typed manuscript, 2003). He joined the firm in 1956, two years after its Mombasa branch was established. He was subsequently stationed twice in East Africa, the first time being in 1963.

  47. 47.

    Ibid., p. 2.

  48. 48.

    Ibid.

  49. 49.

    “Chiisai hanagata,” November 3, 1963, MS.

  50. 50.

    Hirata, Kanga tono deai, p. 2. See also, “Chiisai hanagata,” November 3, 1963, MS.

  51. 51.

    Kobe was the centre of an Indian merchant community, since the regular service between Bombay and Kobe that opened in 1893, and the Kantō earthquake (1923) led many Indian merchants in Yokohama to relocate to Kobe, which had an important trading port as well as a large foreign community. For further details of the history of the Indian community in Kobe, see Sawa and Minamino, “Zainichi Indo-jin shakai no hensen: Teijyū-chi Kōbe wo jirei ni shite,” Hyōgo Chiri 50 (2005). For Sindi merchants in Kobe and Yokohama, see Markovits, Global World of Indian Merchants, pp. 124, 142–147.

  52. 52.

    Another possibility is direct contact between Sindi merchants based in East Africa and Japanese merchants. More likely is an intermediary connecting the two parties, and the most likely would be Sindi merchants in Kobe given their specialty and network. For more on Sindi merchants in East Africa, see Markovits, Global World of Indian Merchants, pp. 123–124.

  53. 53.

    “Chiisai hanagata,” November 3, 1963, MS.

  54. 54.

    Ōyama, Afurika-miyage, p. 149. See also “Afurika kakuchi no honpō men pin no Shōrai,” February 20, 1931, KS.

  55. 55.

    As for unbleached cotton textiles, short width was accepted but for printed textiles the locals preferred relatively larger widths. According to the article “Afurika kakuchi no honpō menpin no shōrai” which appeared on February 20, 1931, in KS, a recent report from a foreign market researcher sent by the Ministry of Commerce and Industry pointed out several items “which manufacturers should make an effort [to export]. Firstly, unbleached and bleached cotton 34 or 66 inches wide by 40 or 42 yards in length. Secondly, printed and dyed cotton textiles (for kaniki or khaki drill, black shiny cotton 46 inches wide by 132 inches in length). Thirdly, colored cotton textiles 27 inches wide in general, but also 26 inches wide is in demand. And lastly, yarn dyed cotton textiles 46 inches wide by 66 inches in length”.

  56. 56.

    “Chiisai hanagata,” November 3, 1963, MS.

  57. 57.

    Beck, Texte auf Textilien in Ostafrika, p. 47.

  58. 58.

    According to Tomie, the company name sounded something like “Twitches Overseas,” but I have so far been unable to trace the particular name of this firm or obtain further information about it. Another source on the system for distributing Nishizawa kanga to East Africa is an article “Chiisai hanagata,” November 3, 1963, MS, featuring the H. Nishizawa Shōten. This article claimed that a British firm that acted as an agent for Dutch products in East Africa distributed the products manufactured by the Nishizawa using the same route it used to distribute Dutch products.

  59. 59.

    Shirakawa, Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi, pp. 307–309; Ōyama, Afurika-miyage, p. 153; “Tōa houmen no bōeki shinten wo sakusu,” December 6, 1927, CSS. According to Ōyama, at the time he wrote, exchange settlement was carried out in either Bombay or London. There were British-based banks in East Africa, such as the National Bank of India, Barclays Bank, and the Standard Bank of South Africa. However, Ōyama also noted that it would be quite difficult for firms to deal with them unless those firms were large (Ōyama, Afurika-miyage, p. 153).

    Banks were not, however, sufficiently attracted by East Africa to open branches there. See Hiroshi Kaijō’s contribution to KKS on June 15, 1926, entitled “Afurika higashi kaigan no keizaiteki no sinkachi.” Kaijō was deputy manager of the Tokyo branch of the Yokohama Specie Bank and contributed this article after his visit to East Africa. He concluded that there was no urgency in opening branches in East Africa because Japanese firms were few and the monetary economy was not widespread locally.

  60. 60.

    “Hoshō-hō tekiyou aite-shō shōkin ginkō no bu kettei,” August 23, 1930, OMS. As for East African trade, the role of the Yokohama Specie Bank was limited to transactions only if conducted with one of fifty-four listed counterparts.

  61. 61.

    Shigeki Shōji, “Afurika touha no tabi,” 26 May–26 June 1931, Ōsaka Jiji Simpō (OJS).

  62. 62.

    Peter Post, “Tai-ran’in keizai kakuchō to Oranda no taiou,” in Iwanami Kouza Kindai Nihon to Syokuminchi 3: Shokuminchi-ka to Sangyō-ka, eds. Shinobu Ōe and Kyoji Asada (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993), p. 67; Naoto Kagotani, “1940 nendai shotō no Nihon menpu wo meguru Ajia tsūshōmou: Nihon mensifu yusyutu kumiai ‘nanpō chiiki muke torihiki shirabe’ no kentou,” Jinbungaku-hō 79 (1997), p. 204.

  63. 63.

    Kyōsaburō Nishizawa, “Haku-ryō Kongo zuiken,” YMG 3 (February 1953), p. 5; idem, “Haku-ryō Kongo, Gōrudo Kōsuto, Naigeria no menpu yunyū tōkei”, YMG 3 (March 1953), pp. 22–27; idem, “Shinkō shijyō Rōdeshia Nyasalando renpō 1”, YMG 5 (April 1955), pp. 38–43; idem, “Shinkō shijyō Rōdeshia Nyasalando renpō 2”, YMG 5 (May 1955), pp. 38–42; idem, “Afurika tokoro-dokoro”, YMG 5 (September 1955), pp. 38–43.

  64. 64.

    See for example “Kanga shijyō to shiteno Somalī Lando oyobi Echiopia: Indo-hin urikomi no kouki,” YMG 6 (July 1956); Shōzō Sekiya, “Afurika sijyō mite-aruki,” YMG 8 (May 1958); Yasumitsu Sasaki, “Eiryō higashi-Afurika sijyō ni okeru Nihon Kanga,” YMG 9 (April 1959); Shigeo Sagusa, “Tai higashi-Afurika bōeki no mondaiten,” YMG 9 (December 1959).

  65. 65.

    Yusyutsu mengyōkai 32, Nihon mengyō bōeki shōshi, p. 70.

  66. 66.

    Ibid.

  67. 67.

    Hirata, Kanga tono deai, p. 6; Yusyutsu mengyōkai 33 (1958), p. 148. According to Yusyutsu mengyōkai 33 (1958), p. 148, the birth of “Tōwa-kai” also saw several companies make agreements on rayon and cotton African print cloths over forty-two inches wide, specializing in their export to African markets, especially to West Africa, and they formed the “Seiwa-kai” (ibid.). It is difficult to translate “Tōwa-kai” into English because it is an abbreviation. Literally, tō means “east, wa means “peace” or “coexistence” and kai is “meeting” or “group”. Regarding “Seiwa-kai” (sei means “west”) which was formed for export for West Africa, one might be able to translate “Tōwa-kai” as “group for co-existing cloth exporters to East Africa”.

  68. 68.

    Hirata, Kanga tono deai, p. 2; interview with Tomie; “Chiisai hanagata,” November 3, 1963, MS.

  69. 69.

    Hirata, Kanga tono deai, p. 6. East African countries imposed import restrictions in order to protect local industries. For example, in 1957, basically following the policies of Britain, East African governments issued licences for companies on the recommendation of the East Africa High Commission. The licensing policy was changed from year to year, but, according to a report by Yoshimitsu Sasaki, the process was as follows. First, the import target was set through Anglo-Japanese trade talks; then the British Colonial Office communicated the target to East African governments, following which East African governments decided, on the recommendation of the East Africa High Commission, whether to grant a licence (Yasumitsu Sasaki, “Eiryō higashi-Afurika sijyō ni okeru Nihon Kanga,” YMG 9 (April 1959), 21).

    In 1963, fourteen Japanese companies were engaged in trading kanga, and according to “Chiisai hanagata,” November 3, 1963, MS, the Nishizawa’s quota was 20 per cent.

  70. 70.

    Yasumitsu Sasaki, “Eiryō higashi-Afurika sijyō ni okeru Nihon Kanga”, YMG 9 (April 1959), pp. 26–27.

  71. 71.

    Excessive competition came to a head in the early 1950s. For details see Junko Watanabe, “Sengo fukkō-ki men-kōgyō ni okeru kigyō-kan kyōsō” (MMRC Discussion Paper Series, MMRC-J-173, presented at Manufacturing Management Research Center, University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan, August, 2007), pp. 12–30.

  72. 72.

    In Japan, this same cotton textile standard for thread count and weight has generally been used for gauze, and thus, manufacturers were able to use existing material for kanga. In addition, West African prints made in Japan also had the same thread count per cotton yard as was used for kanga, being pp. 128–136 threads per square inch. Compared with these West African print textiles, Japanese kanga were even thinner (Hirata, Kanga tono deai, p. 6).

  73. 73.

    Ibid.

  74. 74.

    Private letter received by Mamoru Hirata from one of his senior colleagues on February 17, 2003.

  75. 75.

    For a similar observation on regional markets in East Africa, see Yasumitsu Sasaki, “Eiryō Higashi-Afurika sijyō ni okeru Nihon Kanga,” YMG 9 (April 1959), pp. 22–25.

  76. 76.

    Hirata, Kanga tono deai, p. 7.

  77. 77.

    Ibid.

  78. 78.

    Futatsu Report, No. 869, pp. 1–2 (a source provided by Hirata). For the conference, see Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi kankou iinkai, Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi, pp. 97–98.

  79. 79.

    For a detailed case study of the South Korean textile industry, see Iwata, Nihon sen’i sangyō to kokusai kankei.

  80. 80.

    Nihon bōseki kyōkai, Zoku-sengo bōeki-shi (Osaka: Nihon bōseki kyōkai, 1979), p. 679.

  81. 81.

    Ken’ichi Imai, “Nihon,” in Kokusai kaihatsu kyōryoku mondai no chōryu, ed. Kayoko Kitamura (Tokyo: Ajia Keizai Kenkyujyo, 1993), pp. 193–194; Makoto Sato “Nihon no Afurika gaikō: Rekishi ni miru sono tokushitsu,” Shin’ichi Takeuchi (ed.) Seichō suru Afurika: Nihon to Chugoku no shiten (Chiba: Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization, 2007: http://www.ide.go.jp/Japanese/Publish/Download/Kidou/2007_03_03.html; last viewed on December 23, 2016), pp. 4–7.

  82. 82.

    Following the conference “Textiles in the Indian Ocean” at McGill University in 2012, at which I read a draft of this essay on Japanese kanga, Edward A. Alpers, Professor Emeritus at UCLA, kindly sent me a piece of Japanese kanga which he and his wife had purchased in the 1970s in Dar es Salaam. This kanga, coloured black, purple, and yellow has two inscriptions at the bottom. One reads “REGD. FOR H.G. PIRA (MIWANI) DESIGN PD 49612” and the other “MITSUI DESIGN NO.PD 49612.” The second inscription indicates that this kanga is Japanese. The printing on this kanga was of a fairly high-quality compared with the kanga currently available. The colours are thicker and remain well defined at colour intersections. I thank Professor Alpers and his wife Annie for this kind contribution.

References

  • “Afurika kakuchi no honpō men pin no Shōrai.” February 20, 1931, KS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Afurika kōro dai-issen.” March 23, 1926, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Beck, Rose M. Texte auf Textilien in Ostafrika. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag, 2001.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bertz, Ned. “Indian Ocean World Travellers: Moving Models in Multi-Sited Research.” In Journeys and Dwellings: Indian Ocean Themes in South Asia, edited by Helen Basu, pp. 227–256. Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2008.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bōseki kyōkai, Nihon. Zoku-sengo bōeki-shi. Osaka: Nihon bōseki kyōkai, 1979.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chaudhuri, Kirti N. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Chiisai hanagata.” November 3, 1963, MS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Dageki wo kōmuru Oranda bōseki.” August 1, 1932, CSS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Eiryō higashi Afurika mo kanzei hikiage.” 28 June 1933, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fair, Laura. Pastime and Politics: Culture, Community and Identity in Post-Abolition Urban Zanzibar, 1890–1945. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2001.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fukui, Kikuzaburō. “Kōkeiki no tōrai wo kisuruniha mizukara kaitakushi setsuyakushi doryokuseyo.” 11–12, January 1925, Chūgai Shōgyō Shimpō (hereafter CSS).

    Google Scholar 

  • Futatsu Report, No. 869.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gaimushō Tsūshō-kyoku (1928), p. 1.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Higashi-Afurika he waga shōhin hanro wo kakuchō,” 23 November, 1926, CSS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Higashi-Afurika ni daishinsyutu.” 8 November, 1932, Hōchi Shimbun (HS).

    Google Scholar 

  • “Higashi-Afurika toha.” 1–6, 14–24. March 1926, Ōsaka Mainichi Shimbun (OMS).

    Google Scholar 

  • Hirata, Mamoru. Kanga tono deai. Private typed manuscript, 2003.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Hoshō-hō tekiyou aite-shō shōkin ginkō no bu kettei.” August 23, 1930, OMS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Nishizawa, Kyōsaburō. “Haku-ryō Kongo, Gōrudo Kōsuto, Naigeria no menpu yunyū tōkei.” YMG 3 (March 1953).

    Google Scholar 

  • Nishizawa, Kyōsaburō. “Shinkō shijyō Rōdeshia Nyasalando renpō 1.” YMG 5 (April 1955).

    Google Scholar 

  • Nishizawa, Kyōsaburō. “Shinkō shijyō Rōdeshia Nyasalando renpō 2.” YMG 5 (May 1955).

    Google Scholar 

  • Nishizawa, Kyōsaburō. “Afurika tokoro-dokoro.” YMG 5 (September 1955).

    Google Scholar 

  • Imai, Ken’ichi. “Nihon.” In Kokusai kaihatsu kyōryoku mondai no chōryu, edited by Kayoko Kitamura. Tokyo: Ajia Keizai Kenkyujyo, 1993.

    Google Scholar 

  • Inkster, Ian. The Japanese Industrial Economy: Late Development and Cultural Causation. London and New York: Routledge, 2001.

    Google Scholar 

  • Iwata, Katsuo. Nihon sen’i sangyō to kokusai kankei. Kyoto: Hōritsu Bunka-sha, 1984.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kaijō, Hiroshi. “Afurika higashi kaigan no keizaiteki no sinkachi.” June 15, 1926 (KKS).

    Google Scholar 

  • Kagotani, Naoto. “1940 nendai shotō no Nihon menpu wo meguru Ajia tsūshōmou: Nihon mensifu yusyutu kumiai ‘nanpō chiiki muke torihiki shirabe’ no kentou.” Jinbungaku-hō 79 (1997).

    Google Scholar 

  • “Kanga shijyō to shiteno Somalī Lando oyobi Echiopia: Indo-hin urikomi no kouki.” YMG 6 (July 1956).

    Google Scholar 

  • Kearney, Milo. The Indian Ocean in World History. New York: Routledge, 2004.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Keizai kaigi shūhō.” 19 June 1933, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kirkman, John. Fort Jesus: a Portuguese Fortress on East African Coast. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kitagawa, Katsuhiko. “Nihon-Minami Afurika tsusho kankei-shi kenkyu.” PhD diss., Graduate University for Advanced Studies, 1999.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kodama, Kenji. “Honpō yusyutsu bōeki no Shimbunya ha higashi-Afurika.” 6 January 1926, CSS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kusimba, Chapurukha. “The Archaeology and Ethnography of Iron Metallurgy on the Kenya Coast.” PhD diss., Bryn Mawr College, 1993.

    Google Scholar 

  • Linnebuhr, Elisabeth. “Kanga: Popular Cloths with Messages.” In Sokomoko: Popular Culture in East Africa, edited by Wemer Graebner, pp. 81–90. Special Issue of Matatu, 9 (1992).

    Google Scholar 

  • Machado, Pedro. Ocean of Trade: South Asian Merchants, Africa and the Indian Ocean, c. 1750–1850. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Malā Afurika kanzei hikiage de Ei hongoku ni kougisu.” 28 June, 1933, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Markovits, Claude. Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750–1947: Traders of Sind from Bukhara to Panama. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

    Google Scholar 

  • McPherson, Kenneth. The Indian Ocean: a History of People and the Sea. Delhi and New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

    Google Scholar 

  • Menshifu yusyutu kumiai, Nihon. Nihon mengyō bōeki shōshi. Osaka: Nihon menshifu yusyutu kumiai, 1957.

    Google Scholar 

  • Miyamoto, Mataji. “Yamaguchi Gendō no kotodomo to kokyō hōshi.” Ōsaka Daigaku-shi Kiyō 2 (1982).

    Google Scholar 

  • “Nihon yusyutu bōeki no hijyouji.” 7–21. June 1933, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi kankou iinkai, Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi. Vol. 1. Tokyo: Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai sen’i nenkan kankō-kai, 1958.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Nihon ginkō meiji-ikō honpō syuyō keizai tōkei.” Accessed August 5, 2014. www.nikkei.co.jp/needs/senzen/contents/index.html.

  • Nihon sen’i kyōgi-kai nai Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi kankou iinkai. Nihon sen’i sangyō-shi.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Nihon-hin ga dai-ichii.” 4 September, 1925, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Nishizawa, Kyōsaburō. “Haku-ryō Kongo zuiken.” YMG 3 (February 1953).

    Google Scholar 

  • Ōhata, Takahiro. GHQ no senryō seisaku to keizai fukkō: saikō suru Nihon bōseki-gyō. Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2013.

    Google Scholar 

  • Okakura, Toshi, and Katsuhiko Kitagawa. Nihon-Afurika kōryū-shi: Meiji-ki kara dai-ni-ji sekai taisen made. Tokyo: Dōbunsha, 1993.

    Google Scholar 

  • Orimoto, Chieko. Kanga ni miserarte: Higashi-Afurika no mahou no nuno. Tokyo: Rengō Shuppan, 1998.

    Google Scholar 

  • Orimono shimbun-sha hensan-bu, Nihon, ed. Dai-nihon orimono nisen roppyakunen-shi. Vol. 2. Osaka: Nihon orimono shimbun-sha, 1940.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ōyama, Ujirō. Afurika-miyage: kidan issoku. Tokyo: Sekirokaku shobō, 1930.

    Google Scholar 

  • Parkin, David. “Textile as Commodity, Dress as Text: Swahili Kanga and Women’s Statements.” In Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies, edited by Ruth Barnes. London and New York: Routledge, 2005.

    Google Scholar 

  • Post, Peter. “Tai-ran’in keizai kakuchō to Oranda no taiou.” In Iwanami Kouza Kindai Nihon to Syokuminchi 3: Shokuminchi-ka to Sangyō-ka, edited by Shinobu Ōe and Kyoji Asada. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993.

    Google Scholar 

  • Prestholdt, Jeremy. Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ryan, MacKenzie Moon. “The Global Reach of a Fashionable Commodity: A Manufacturing and Design History of Kanga Textiles.” PhD diss., University of Florida, 2013.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Ryoshō miyage banashi.” 1–5, June, 1927, OMS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Ryoshō-tai no hakenchi.” 16 May, 1926, OMS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sagusa, Shigeo. “Tai higashi-Afurika bōeki no mondaiten.” YMG 9 (December 1959).

    Google Scholar 

  • Sasaki, Yasumitsu. “Eiryō higashi-Afurika sijyō ni okeru Nihon Kanga.” YMG 9 (April 1959).

    Google Scholar 

  • Sato, Makoto. “Nihon no Afurika gaikō: Rekishi ni miru sono tokushitsu.” In Seichō suru.

    Google Scholar 

  • Afurika: Nihon to Chugoku no shiten, edited by Shin’ichi Takeuchi (1977). http://www.ide.go.jp/Japanese/Publish/Download/Kidou/2007_03_03.html; last viewed on 29 August 2014.

  • Sawa, Munenori and Takeshi Minamino. “Zainichi Indo-jin shakai no hensen: Teijyū-chi Kōbe wo jirei ni shite.” Hyōgo Chiri 50 (2005).

    Google Scholar 

  • “Sekai kanzei sen.” 31 March-16 April 1933, OMS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sekiya, Shōzō. “Afurika sijyō mite-aruki.” YMG 8 (May 1958).

    Google Scholar 

  • Shirakawa, Ikai. Jicchi tōsa Higashi-Afurika no tabi. Tokyo: Hakubun-kan, 1928.

    Google Scholar 

  • Shōji, Shigeki. “Afurika touha no tabi.” 26 May-26 June 1931, Ōsaka Jiji Simpō (OJS).

    Google Scholar 

  • Smitka, Michael. The Textile Industry and the Rise of the Japanese Economy: Japanese.

    Google Scholar 

  • Economic History 1600–1960. New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1998.

    Google Scholar 

  • Suzuki, Hideaki. “Standing on the Borderline: the Indian Merchants in the Nineteenth Century East coast of Africa.” In Empires and Networks: Maritime Asian Experiences, 9th to 19th Century. Edited by Kayoko Fujita and Geoffrey Wade. Singapore: Singapore University Press, forthcoming.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Tōa houmen no bōeki shinten wo sakusu.” December 6, 1927, CSS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Tō-A kanzei hikiage.” 18 August 1933, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Tō-A kanzei hikiage de Kadono komon kougi.” 29 June 1933, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Tōa to nihon.” 1–6, 15–25. October 1927, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Tō-A Zanjibaruu mo houhin nerau kanzei hikiage.” 16 August 1933, OJS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Tsūshō-kyoku, Gaimushō, ed. Eiryō Higashi-Afurika Jijyō. Tokyo: Gaimushō Tsūshō-kyoku, 1928.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Waga shōhin no shin hanro chōsa.” April 7, 1926, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • “Ware otoraji to nihon-hin haiseki.” 24 July 1933, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • 24-26 September 1939, Kokumin Shimbun (KKS).

    Google Scholar 

  • Watanabe, Junk. “Sengo fukkō-ki men-kōgyō ni okeru kigyō-kan kyōsō” (MMRC Discussion Paper Series, MMRC-J-173, presented at XXXX, city, country, date, 2007).

    Google Scholar 

  • Yagi, Nagato. “Dojin no kaumono ha mazu dai-ichi ni ifuku.” 28 August 1930, OAS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Yajima, Hikoichi. Umi ga tsukuru bunmei: Indo-yo kaiiki sekai no rekishi. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun, 1992.

    Google Scholar 

  • Yamada, Moritarō. Nihon shihon-syugi bunseki. Tokyo: Iwanami, 1934.

    Google Scholar 

  • Yusyutsu mengyōkai 33 (1958).

    Google Scholar 

  • “Zanjibaru kanzei wo hikiage.” 16 August 1933, OMS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zawawi, Sherifa. Kanga: The Cloth that Speaks. Bronx: Azaniya Hills Press, 2005.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

  1. Nagasaki University, Nagasaki, Japan

    Hideaki Suzuki

Authors
  1. Hideaki Suzuki
    View author publications

    You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

  1. Department of History, Indiana University Bloomington, Bloomington, IN, USA

    Pedro Machado

  2. Department of World Cultures, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, ON, Canada

    Sarah Fee

  3. Indian Ocean World Centre, McGill University, Montreal, QC, Canada

    Gwyn Campbell

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2018 The Author(s)

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Suzuki, H. (2018). Kanga Made in Japan: The Flow from the Eastern to the Western End of the Indian Ocean World. In: Machado, P., Fee, S., Campbell, G. (eds) Textile Trades, Consumer Cultures, and the Material Worlds of the Indian Ocean. Palgrave Series in Indian Ocean World Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58265-8_5

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58265-8_5

  • Published:

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-319-58264-1

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-319-58265-8

  • eBook Packages: HistoryHistory (R0)

Publish with us

Policies and ethics

Search

Navigation