Abstract
The aim of this contribution is to map out, from a green criminology perspective, some contextual and theoretical scenarios that help to interpret and properly situate the phenomenon of “historical pollution” within wider cultural and scholarly frameworks. I will do this by briefly considering three different scenarios: Love Canal (USA), Brescia (Italy), and Huelva (Spain). In describing these individual contexts, it will be possible to highlight certain common features of the phenomenon of historical pollution, and, at the same time, to see its global relevance. The main question addressed is through what processes the “gift” of industry becomes “poison” by contaminating the local environment , thereby assuming the ambiguous form of a “deadly gift” and turning into something disastrous on the social as well as the environmental level. This criminological contribution may then be useful in increasing knowledge and promoting a theoretical reflexivity about the historical inheritance of industrialization processes.
The past is never dead. It’s not even past.
(Faulkner 1951).
I am extremely grateful to Fulvio Coltorti, Giovanni Ovi, Veronica Binda, Mario Perugini, Matteo Di Tullio, Alessandro Corda, Juan Diego Pérez Cebada and Lara Ferla for their reflections, which helped in the realization of this work. I would like to express my gratitude to Avi Brisman for his invaluable advice and close reading of the text. My thanks also to Mirella Giulidori for her help in the translation of this contribution.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
The acknowledgement that harm to human health and the environment had been caused by mercury contamination deriving from the chemical plants of Minamata (at the end of the 1950s) marked a true turning point for Japan. From that moment on, efforts to reduce pollution could not be ignored.
- 3.
See in this volume, Chap. 4.
- 4.
See in this volume, current chapter, and Chap. 8.
- 5.
See Galli and Nigro (1987) on the perception of radioactivity following the Chernobyl disaster.
- 6.
For the purposes of our research, the concept investigated also includes the phenomenon that is named “legacy pollution”. The concept of “ongoing pollution” will not be used in opposition to it, but rather will be treated as a type of legacy pollution, identifying past conducts whose effects are still ongoing. Moreover, since the concept may refer to a wide range of hypotheses, it is necessary to limit the extension of the phenomenon on which the research is focused: attention has to be paid only to pollution caused by industrial and other production-related activities. See in this volume, Chap. 1.
- 7.
See in this volume, Chap. 3, Sect. 2.
- 8.
- 9.
“Unlike other forms of crime, green crime’s effects tend to be persistent and long term. Ordinary crimes or street crimes usually cover short durations in time. […] The time span of green crimes, however, tends to be measured in terms of decades or even centuries since pollutants may last and accumulate in the environment. Once a pollutant is emitted into the environment, the life course of that crime begins and continues until the pollutant is cleaned up, or until it becomes inert” (Jarrell et al. 2013, p. 423).
- 10.
It can certainly be said that even before the contributions of green criminologists, criminology did deal with the environment, albeit in an indirect way. The object of study was, in these cases, organized crime and corporate crime. For example, one can think of waste management or the construction industry, where the environment is adversely impacted through illegal business patterns and practices, yet the criminological inquiry focused on the illegal acts and omissions, not the ensuing environmental harm. On the various typologies useful to deepen our understanding of environmental crimes and harms, see South et al. (2013). On the value positions that shape green criminology , see Potter (2015).
- 11.
- 12.
On this, see Heckenberg and White (2013, p. 86).
- 13.
Heckenberg and White (2013, p. 86) write: “If we choose to examine an event that is a number of years in the past (e.g. poisoning of waterways over many years), then the historical method can be utilized, drawing upon documents, maps and photographs and site records that facilitate a retrospective analysis of the phenomenon in question.”
- 14.
Since its inception, cultural criminology has called for the development of a form of criminological verstehen that is capable of exploring the universes of sense and the emotional processes related to crime and to its control. See Ferrell et al. (2008).
- 15.
On this topic, see Brisman et al. (2015).
- 16.
- 17.
- 18.
To this end, one can access the online Environmental Justice Atlas: http://www.ejolt.org/maps/. This online platform is also useful because environmental crimes and harms of considerable seriousness (such as historical contamination ) may be intertwined with environmental conflicts. On this, see Brisman et al. (2015).
- 19.
See also Colten and Skinner (1996).
- 20.
“From the very beginning, the definitions of the Love Canal health and environmental problems—where they are, what they are, how serious they are—have varied considerably, depending on who defined the problem, when, to whom, and what they stood to gain or lose from the definition. The words, however, were usually spoken in the language of science” (Levine 1982, p. 168).
- 21.
A victimological approach becomes extremely useful in this case (see Williams 1996). From a historical–sociological perspective, Levine (1982, pp. 176–177) pinpoints some shared beliefs about the dramatic turns the inhabitant of Love Canal experienced: (1) we are the blameless victims of a disaster; (2) the problems we face are too large for us and thus we need help; (3) we are good citizens and we deserve help from the government; (4) the government can and should help us now; (5) we are being treated unfairly; (6) we must stick together to take care of ourselves; (7) family and community help is not enough for our needs; (8) no one but the government has enough resources for our pressing needs; and (9) we must work together to force the government to provide us that with which we are entitled.
- 22.
On the traffic of toxic waste in Italy, see also an interesting piece of investigative journalism by Pergolizzi (2012).
- 23.
See Neri Serneri (2005, p. 42). See also in this volume the quadripartite chapter on Italy, by G. Rotolo, B. Venturato, E. Greco, R. Sabia, and C. Miccichè. Obviously, there are examples in which latecomers to industrialization address environmental issues earlier in their histories as a result of seeing what has transpired in other locations.
- 24.
- 25.
Ginsborg (1989, p. xii) writes: “this tri-partition seems to me more effective than the traditional North-South division in illuminating the physiognomy of the processes of development that affected […] the nation.”
- 26.
- 27.
It is essential to make reference to the Istituto superiore di sanità (ISS, the Higher Institute for Health). For the past few years, this institution has been concerned with measuring the level of contamination of industrial areas, both used and disused, focusing also on the possible risks for any residents. The project, called SENTIERI (Studio Epidemiologico Nazionale dei Territori e degli Insediamenti Esposti al Rischio da Inquinamento—National epidemiological study of territories and settlements exposed to pollution risks), confirms some correlations between certain substances (e.g., asbestos) and specific pathologies. It was first carried out in 2010 and an account was published in a supplement of Epidemiologia e Prevenzione, 34 (5–6), September–December 2010; it was updated in 2011 and can be found in Epidemiologia e Prevenzione, 35 (5–6), September–December 2011. The project was the result of a collaboration of CNR and La Sapienza University of Rome with the World Health Organization (WHO). The SENTIERI project assesses the health status of residents of Italian polluted sites through the analysis of mortality for the period 1995–2002, to set priorities in remediation intervention and so prevent environment-related diseases, for a total of roughly six million people in 298 municipalities (twenty-one in northern Italy, eight in the centre, and fifteen in the south). One of the limitations of the study is that when considering landfill sites it only took into account the legal ones, when it is well known that the illegal ones are more harmful, given the total absence of restraint. Only in the case of dumps in the provinces of Naples and Caserta was the study also expanded in this direction; it highlighted a close link between illegal dumps and certain cancers, beside some forms of congenital malformation (Pergolizzi 2012, pp. 156–158). In any case, even with these data, we are still very far from a substantial mapping of the critical environmental issues of our country (Pergolizzi 2012, p. 160).
- 28.
- 29.
On the chemical plants of Ravenna and Ferrara, see Pergolizzi (2012, pp. 23–24).
- 30.
On the Taranto case, see Rotolo (2012, pp. 90–103).
- 31.
In 1930, the petrochemical complex Pertusola Sud (Eni Group) started manufacturing at Crotone (Calabria), bringing (as in many other similar scenarios) work opportunities and wealth on the one hand, and contamination and health hazards on the other. Once the industrial activities were wound down, all that remained were the disastrous consequences of the industrial past.
- 32.
See also Pergolizzi (2012, p. 133).
- 33.
In these contexts, it is important to stress that the often irreparable socio-environmental harms that follow are caused by legal as well as illegal dumps (Pergolizzi 2012, p. 155).
- 34.
In the Pitelli area, there would also have been buried waste from the factory of the Union Carbide Unisil Spa Termoli (Pergolizzi 2012, p. 141).
- 35.
See in this volume, section II of the Chap. 5 on Italy.
- 36.
See also Lynch and Stretesky (2014, p. 164).
- 37.
The area should have been reclaimed before building the residential neighbourhood, removing the contamination produced by decades of industrial activity. Because of irregularities in the reclamation work, part of the area was confiscated in 2010, including the park and the kindergarten, which were built on mercury- and chloroethylene-contaminated ground (Pergolizzi 2012, p. 147).
- 38.
Eternit opened its first asbestos production plant in Italy in 1907. Altopiedi (2011, 2013) analyses this case from a criminological perspective. The sociologist explores on the one hand the strategies of denial through which those responsible for the crime facilitate the process of decriminalization of their actions and, on the other, the process of the social construction of victimization. On this, Ruggiero and South (2013, p. 20) write: “The use of asbestos was banned by the European Union in 1999, 101 years after the discovery of its danger. One of the reasons it took so long to ban the substance was because asbestos ‘kills slowly’ and, in many cases that were ever actually brought to court, lawyers as well as pathologists could easily dismiss the association of asbestos with lethal respiratory conditions”. Concerning the Eternit factory in Casale Monferrato, “[p]opular mobilisation and citizen action played a major role in bringing this history of harm into the arena of media news and the courts. A long‐running and contentious affair was eventually transformed by popular political protest from a matter officially deemed an ‘accident’ into a trial […]”. On this point, see also South (2015, pp. 18–19); see also in this volume, section II of the Chap. 5 on Italy.
- 39.
To offer a case in point, suitable for highlighting some sensitive points that arise when speaking of historical pollution , I did not look at contexts in which a present pollution event is added to a past one. The observational field would be too wide and would complicate the definition of some essential aspects that I intend to highlight. On the other hand, it is evident that cases of ongoing pollution, such as that of the Ilva of Taranto, will provide some useful cues because of the presence of analogous dynamics. As for the possibility of generalizing from the results drawn from a case study, Heckenberg and White (2013, p. 96) recall the concept of “naturalistic generalization” described by Melrose (2010). See also Stake and Trumbull (1982).
- 40.
There are fifty-seven contaminated industrial sites which, because of their dimensions, have been declared of national concern, but according to the ISPRA (Istituto Superiore per la Protezione e la Ricerca Ambientale—the Higher Institute for Environmental Protection and Research), there are more than 15,000 areas in Italy affected by more than a century of industrial history. The best known, as already mentioned, are the iron and steel industry at Bagnoli, the chemical industry at Marghera, the petrochemical sites at Gela and Priolo, and the asbestos industry at Casale Monferrato.
- 41.
See also in this volume, Chap. 3.
- 42.
In Italy, PCBs were banned in 1983.
- 43.
In describing a case of PCB waste in Warren County (North Carolina), Jarrell et al. (2013, p. 437) write: “The use of PCBs was significant to the economy and to the expansion of production […]. Over time, PCBs became less important to production because of changes in mining technology and the decreased use of transformers and capacitors. In addition, PCBs were discovered to be highly toxic to the ecosystem, and by the 1960s scientists were reporting that PCBs were a global threat […]. There was considerable political activism surrounding environmental hazards such as PCBs and environmental organizations pushed hard for their ban […]. Eventually, the United States Congress banned PCB production (but not their use) in 1979 […]. The ban of PCB production is not the end of the story, however. While PCBs were no longer critical to manufacturing production and natural resource withdrawals, they still persisted in the environment where they were causing significant harm when released in the form of ecological additions”. They add: “While the production of PCBs was not defined as criminal prior to the ban, changes in production and pressure from the public redefined the disposal and use of these chemicals. When the law finally caught up to the harm the chemicals caused it created a market that led to their illegal disposal” (Jarrell et al. 2013, p. 438).
- 44.
On this case, see also in this volume, Chap. 10.
- 45.
- 46.
- 47.
- 48.
These “snapshots” are analysed in greater depth in previous works (Natali 2010, 2014, 2015a, 2016), where I explored how the inhabitants of Huelva relate to the “uncomfortable truth” of pollution, noting that they themselves do not always agree on the definition and interpretation of that reality. Starting from a viewpoint in tune with the experiences and the narratives of the inhabitants of Huelva, as actors placed within a well-defined network of symbols, social interactions, practices, and power relationships, I tried to reconstruct and understand what directs their “definition of the situation” of pollution and what might motivate their action or inaction.
- 49.
See also Ruiz-Ballesteros et al. (2009). The authors develop an interesting study about the transformations occurring in the representations and social perceptions of the environment in certain areas of Andalusia, following the closure of the mines.
- 50.
- 51.
Starting from a discourse analysis that refers to Michel Foucault’s thinking, the geographer Waitt (2010, p. 239) writes: “it is crucial to understand that while discourses may manifest themselves in ways that bring order to social life as rules, maxims, common sense, or the norm, they are always unstable and may be ruptured. Discourse analysis requires remaining alert to such instability, ambiguity, and inconsistency. Well-conducted and thoughtful discourse analysis enables insights into the resilience and rupture of multiple and sometimes conflicting discourses that give meaning to our everyday lives.”
- 52.
From this viewpoint, “the possibility of capturing within a unitary vision the sense of the problems of space can only come from geography” (Muscarà 1967, p. 16). The esprit géographique will prove useful as a “call back to the concrete in the face of the abstract fragmentation of systematic sciences, a call back to unity in the face of the fictitious separation between man and environment, finally a call back to the complexity of inter-dependence in the face of the division of the earth’s surface into ‘islands’ of space” (Muscarà 1967, p. 19).
- 53.
- 54.
The following observations by Bonazza (2011, p. 6), with reference to cultural geography, are also valid in a criminological perspective: “each point is determined by geographical, ideological, political, economic coordinates: this way what I see (or represent) depends on the vantage point from ‘where’ I see (or represent).”
- 55.
The gift is also what is dangerous to accept (Mauss 2002, p. 109). In fact, it is never simply free: the donor always expects a return gift. Somewhat predictably, the demonstration of superiority and power expressed by the donor is a counterpoint to the recipients making themselves smaller and more subordinate, especially when the gift is one that cannot be refused. This dependence towards the donor—a dependence, moreover, that gains tenacity over time—permeates many cases of historical pollution .
- 56.
- 57.
In different contexts, environmental harm occurs quickly, but their effects are felt immediately and for a long time afterwards. An example might be the Deepwater Horizon oil spill.
- 58.
“Latent” describes something that has not yet clearly manifested itself. In particular, latency is the period that intervenes between, and links, a stimulus (cause/origin) and the response to the stimulus (effect).
- 59.
On the basis of the work of Slapper and Tombs (1999), Altopiedi (2011, p. 100) underlines how, in corporate crimes (one of the categories to which certain destructive actions on the environmental level can be attributed) the space–time distance between the action and its harmful consequences can be great, entailing “significant implications in terms of awareness and of proof of victimization”. See also Cottino (2005).
- 60.
- 61.
- 62.
- 63.
In this regard, Altopiedi (2011, p. 94) again underlines how is it necessary to carry out an adequate revaluation of the victimological perspective in relation to corporate crime, analysing in detail “careers of victimization”.
- 64.
Activism from an environmental justice perspective plays a decisive role, in making visible the issues tied to the phenomena described (Szasz 1994, p. 31). Szasz (1994, pp. 165–166) underlines how the grassroots activism of US social environmentalist movements has extended the demographic basis of environmentalism, teaching people who were initially only concerned about the near and immediate threat they perceived to re-frame their problem in a much wider context.
- 65.
These aspects are highlighted by critical, cultural, and interactionist approaches to crime and deviance.
- 66.
According to our shared definition, “historical pollution is characterized by the presence of a distance in time between the polluting behaviors and the emergence of harm” (Chap. 1, in this volume).
- 67.
On this, see Adam (1998, 1999), and Leccardi (2009). Resta (2008, p. 182) writes: “our time: it belongs to us while we belong to it, it binds us and we bind it, it shapes us and we shape it. It defines our expectations and it constructs the space of our experience; it is made of many times that intersect within it and are not measured in the same way. They decompose and re-compose in a cubist picture”. From this angle, all systems live off a “contradictory and paradoxical plurality of temporality” (Resta 2008, p. 184).
- 68.
See also Ferrell (2013, pp. 350–351) and http://www.studiculturali.it/dizionario/lemmi/microstoria.html. On the Love Canal case, Levine (1982, p. 5) highlights the point that “the sociological imagination helps to show us how individual troubles and individual behaviors reveal the larger social world”.
- 69.
- 70.
See above in this chapter; see also in this volume, Chap. 3.
- 71.
More importantly, “in the field of green criminology other areas of law (especially civil and administrative law) are also integral, and perhaps pivotal. This is largely because to some extent criminal law and criminal justice systems tend to be ill-suited to the specific problems and features of environmental ‘offending’ and victimisation” (Hall 2014, p. 99).
- 72.
If it is true, ultimately, that the law always has to take into account the reality that it intends to regulate and within which it chooses its own relevant objects, then in order to accomplish this approach to the “world of facts” it will be necessary, first of all, to go through disciplines which are outside the law, establishing a rapport with fields of knowledge which focus on significant amounts of the world of experience with reference to the knowledge of our times. See also Pulitanò (2006, p. 800).
- 73.
This is a theoretical position that calls directly upon the “social constructionism” that assumes a peculiar relevance in the environmental field (White 2008, p. 33). In any case, what we “name” socially with the expression “nature” exceeds our attempt to define it, and goes beyond the social worlds themselves, with their meanings, with their times. Therefore, if is true that we can only intervene on a socially constructed level, it must be done always keeping in mind what is beyond it and inevitably escapes us (Natali 2015a).
- 74.
In 1964, they published their work The Measurement of Delinquency, which led to the creation of the National Survey of Crime Severity (NSCS). That study, as with the numerous studies that followed, highlighted a general (normative) consensus concerning the gravity of crimes, irrespective of ethnicity, gender, age, or social class. In brief, violent crimes were considered more serious than crimes against property, and the latter, in their turn, were seen as more serious than “victimless” crimes. A wider normative consensus corresponded with a higher degree of severity. See also Forti (2000).
- 75.
To date, any studies that have focused on the social perception of environmental crimes and harms have been primarily quantitative. The main methodological questions addressed by this research have essentially concerned three aspects: the criminal facts to submit to social evaluation, the composition of the samples of the subjects to be interviewed, and the measurement scales to be used.
- 76.
On the role of green criminology , see in particular Brisman (2014a, p. 29).
- 77.
Colten and Skinner (1996, p. xi) write: “Although Faulkner never had to concern himself with the issue of hazardous waste, his observation aptly applies to this topic. For seldom has society had to grapple with a more enduring problem than long-lived deposits of industrial residue.”
- 78.
In terms of criminal policy, it is necessary to abandon the misleading belief that, in order to arrest “the alliances, personal habits and institutional routines that sanction a more generalized mode of environmental decay” (Halsey 2004, p. 837), it would be enough to capture the “environmental criminals”. Along these lines, Hall (2014, p. 98) remarks: “the idea that any law (much less criminal law) can or should constitute the sole solution to the problems of environmental harm is surely wrong. For legal commentators, the difficulty with a field that is apparently so wide is that it sits uncomfortably with classic doctrinal legal ideals of certainty and predictability”. More concretely, “the legal debate may boil down to a basic question of what combination of civil, administrative, mediation-based, criminal justice or other legal—versus extra-legal—approaches to the issue of environmental harm will minimize the risk of such harm occurring or reoccurring” (Hall 2014, p. 103). See also Ayres and Braithwaite (1992), Natali (2015a), Bisschop (2010), and Forti (2003, 2007).
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Natali, L. (2017). The Contribution of Green Criminology to the Analysis of Historical Pollution. In: Centonze, F., Manacorda, S. (eds) Historical Pollution. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56937-6_2
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