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Astronomical Knowledge Transmission Through Illustrated Aratea Manuscript

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Astronomical Knowledge Transmission Through Illustrated Aratea Manuscripts

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Abstract

This chapter presents an overview of the principal authors and manuscript traditions well known for transmitting much of the existing astronomical information through the Middle Ages, and provides an account of surviving numbers of their medieval manuscripts. These astronomical texts were comprised of basic descriptions of astronomical principles, celestial motions, and the relative positions of the constellations; many of those produced after the twelfth century included astrological information as well. Most of these astronomical manuscript traditions included a complete constellation cycle including illustrations, number of stars and mythological information; after the writings of Bede, computus and particular astronomical calculations became important for Christian calendars and liturgical events. Most of the advanced mathematical astronomy achieved through the efforts of early Greek and Babylonian astronomers was unknown in the Latin West except for brief references by other authors; that knowledge was thought to be lost forever. Authors and encyclopedists toiled to preserve the few basic astronomical principles they possessed. Astrology had been practiced regularly during the flourishing centuries of the Roman Empire and was still available in later years, but passed into disfavor as Christianity gradually spread throughout the Western countries until the twelfth century. After the Arabic to Latin translation period, astrology returned in a new guise and often became intimately intertwined with astronomy.

I know that I am mortal by nature and ephemeral, but when I trace at my pleasure the windings to and fro of the heavenly bodies, I no longer touch earth with my feet. I stand in the presence of Zeus himself and take my fill of ambrosia

Ptolemy, Almagest.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Francis Yates, The Art of Memory; Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory; and Carruthers and Ziolkowski, The Medieval Craft of Memory. This research on the art of memory and the mnemonic uses of the constellations will be discussed in Chap. 8.

  2. 2.

    Hipparchus always defined the individual stars as a bright star or half-bright star. Ptolemy was the first to organize the stars into six magnitudes—first level as brightest and then lessening.

  3. 3.

    See Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos in the Translation of William of Moerbeke: Claudii Ptolemaei Liber ludicialium by Gudrun Vullemin-Diem; Carlos F. Steel; and Pieter de Leemans, which provides an edition of Moebeke’s Latin version which is now in the Digby collection, Bodleian Library. It was previously owned by Thomas Allen, the famous mathematician and astrologer to Robert Dudley first earl of Leicester.

  4. 4.

    Laistner claims that Pliny’s writings were quoted and commented upon secondhand by numerous other authors.

  5. 5.

    In the preface to Natural History, Pliny tells that he and his assistants searched 2000 volumes by 100 different authors and drew 20,000 facts from them. Through his extensive work, he then produced a ‘storehouse of interesting and entertaining information’.

  6. 6.

    McCluskey states that the astronomy related by Pliny is ‘stellar’. Although Pliny knew that features of astronomy varied from place to place because of the sphericity of the earth, he refrains from introducing mathematical concepts.

  7. 7.

    Large sections of Pliny survive from the eighth and ninth centuries in six different manuscripts containing diagrams (Eastwood 1993:162). Only one manuscript contains the complete text of Pliny (Paris BNF lat. 6795); it definitely dates to the ninth century. A manuscript dating to the first half of the ninth century, possibly from Lorsch, is held by the Morgan Library (MS. M.871); it contains about one-half of Pliny’s Naturalis Historia, ending before Book 18. An eighth-century manuscript of Pliny at Leiden University Library (UB MS. Voss.F.4) survives in part, beginning after the astronomical section of Book Two. A fourth manuscript of Pliny’s encyclopedic work, made in northern France around 800, is incomplete and has been divided between two different collections (Vat. Lat. 3861 and Leiden Voss. F.61). Another Leiden manuscript (UB MS. Voss. Lat. Q.69) preserves the fifth Pliny segment, but only in excerpts, about seventy from the early books, including the important Book Two. The sixth extant Pliny manuscript was produced in Corbie and dates from the early ninth century (Paris lat. 6796).

  8. 8.

    See “The Diagram Sphera Celestis in the Hortus deliciarum: A Confused Amalgam from the Astronomies of Pliny and Martianus Capella.” The diagram appears on p. 93, plate 5, of Rosalie Green et al., Hortus Deliciarum/Herrad of Hohenbourg, Warburg Institute, 1979. See also Green and Volk, (2011) Forgotten Stars: Rediscovering Manilius’ Astronomica.

  9. 9.

    Manilius’ image is taken from Dürer’s celestial map of 1515.

  10. 10.

    Manilius seems to have a high regard for the sign of Gemini, “he tells that under Gemini are born poets and astrologers.” Perhaps he himself was a Gemini.

  11. 11.

    Even his name has been questioned; prompting discussion and debate among scholars, but the name of Marcus Manilius is accepted by most historians today.

  12. 12.

    Another classic example of didactic poetry from an earlier date is the De rerum natura of Lucretius, which Manilius often imitated.

  13. 13.

    A comparison study of particular segments of the poems, the Proem and the Dike catasterism was published in 2007 by Josephe-Henriette Abry, Manilius, and Aratus: Two Stoic Poets, Leeds International Classical Studies 6.01 available online.

  14. 14.

    As mentioned in Chap. 1, many Roman authors had translated the Greek poem of Aratus into Latin. Ptolemy did not write his authoritative astronomical treatises until the second century CE, which remained the ‘bible’ of astronomy until early modern times.

  15. 15.

    See M. Manilii Astronomica, Ed. and trans. G. P. Gould.

  16. 16.

    “…the position of the zodiac itself is not described until 400 lines later,” Tester’s translation.

  17. 17.

    Though not mentioning him by name, Manilius refers to Aratus when he says, “there are certain of the poets who have described to us the diverse configuration of the stars, and have assigned to their proper class and cause all the constellations that glide at large in the spreading heaven.” II 22–26.

  18. 18.

    “…we have yet to learn how to deal with a poet who versifies the multiplication tables and sets to the measure of Vergil the reasoning of Euclid.” Book II also discusses the 12 signs of the zodiac defining their various relationships; the hostility of oppositions, aspects of signs that can be squares, triangles, and conjunctions. At the start of Book II, Manilius invokes the memory of Homer and Hesiod, speaking of the historical, mythological, and astronomical references found in their poetry.

  19. 19.

    Garrod writes that when reading the work of an astrologer, “we looked for a quack or an imbecile,” but “the most striking impressions that we receive from the reading of the Astronomica are undoubtedly those of a rare purity of mind in its author and a singular freedom from superstition. …Manilius is the peer of Lucretius.”

  20. 20.

    In “Manilius”, published in Texts and Transmissions, his more recent text analysis, Reeve states that the three primary Astronomia manuscripts are Leipzig 1465, Brussels 10012, and Madrid 3678. He recommends the Garrod edition and the excellent Loeb edition of G. P. Gould, 1977.

  21. 21.

    For an overview of the text, see M. D. Reeve, “Hyginus” in Text and Transmission: A Survey of Latin Classics.

  22. 22.

    Fletcher, Hyginus’ Fabulae: Toward a Roman Mythology.

  23. 23.

    For a detailed discussion of Hyginus’ text and examples of manuscript illustrations see Lippincott, The Saxl Project—an ongoing project to be completed in stages which plans to provide complete digital access to over 250 medieval and Renaissance illustrated astronomical and astrological manuscripts.

  24. 24.

    See also Wormald and Giles, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Additions in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, 1982, pp.192–94. At least two copies of De astronomia were associated with the Gonzaga court in Mantua: the Fitzwilliam Museum MS 260, c. 1475 and the formerly Dyson Perrins MS 92.

  25. 25.

    The exhibition catalog, The Splendor of the Word, was written by J.J.G. Alexander, J. H. Marrow, and L. F. Sandler, with contributions by other authors. The exhibition ran from October 2005 until February 2006. The article discussing the Hyginus manuscript was written by G. M. Canova. See also DeRicci, II, p. 1341, no. 28 and J.J.G. Alexander, The Painted Page, 120.

  26. 26.

    Alexander asserts that there are five different illustrators represented in this Hyginus manuscript.

  27. 27.

    Padua was one of the main centers for the study of astrology in all Europe and, along with Florence, was one of the main centers of humanism as well.

  28. 28.

    Boethius was an important writer in the early 6th century, both a Christian and a Roman patriot. His Arithmetic was almost the only source of arithmetical knowledge for the early Middle Ages.

  29. 29.

    Boethius wrote his greatest work, the Consolation, while in prison awaiting his fate on the charge of conspiracy for which he was executed in 524. Lady Philosophy appears and reminds him that earthly fame and suffering are insignificant compared to the vastness of the cosmos. His writings have Christian overtones, but since they were not illustrated, they are not part of this study.

  30. 30.

    Another Roman author of astronomical data was Calcidius, a late fourth-century astronomer, although his influence was slight, since his writings were almost unknown until the twelfth century. Calcidius translated the cosmological section of Plato’s Timaeus and wrote a long Neoplatonist commentary on it. His commentary discusses the sphericity of the earth and the universe, in addition to the imaginary circles that surround the cosmos, i.e., the equator, the tropics, the Arctic and Antarctic circles, the zodiac, the horizon and the meridian.

  31. 31.

    See L. Lenaz, D.R. Shanzer, and W.H. Stahl (1952) for commentaries on Martianus Capella’s De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii Liber 1.

  32. 32.

    For a full discussion of the Martianus Capella commentaries see McCluskey (1993) 171-73.

  33. 33.

    For detailed information on the personification of the Seven Liberal Arts in literature and sculpture, see Emile Mâle, L’art religieux de XIII siècle en France, Paris, 1948. See also Rosalie Green et al., Hortus Deliciarum/Herrad of Hohenbourg, Warburg Institute, 1979, Seven Liberal Arts miniature appears on f. 32, pg. 104, Plate 18.

  34. 34.

    See Eastwood and Graßhoff for a thorough explanation of astronomical diagrams included in Roman works on astronomy which could be found in medieval libraries. They identify four chief sources for Roman astronomy in the Middles Ages—Pliny, Macrobius, Calcidius, and Martianus Capella—their writings on astronomy reentered the broad European intellectual world through the Carolingian scholars and schools. Eastwood and Graßhoff provide a descriptive and critical analysis of the Carolingian copies with references to the original writings; they identify and interpret the textual and visual elements with commendable accuracy.

  35. 35.

    This feature is also reported in other studies such as Lindberg (1992). He mentions that Copernicus cites Martianus Capella in support of his heliocentric system.

  36. 36.

    Few personal facts can be found in Macrobius’ writings; he mentions a dearly loved son Eustachius to whom he dedicated his major works, and he discloses that he was ‘born under another sky,’ not a native of Italy. He states the various positions of contemporary researchers as to the birthplace of Macrobius. Most scholars place him in Africa, a few suggest Greece, but he writes in Latin. Furthermore, Macrobius’ treatises display a greater familiarity with Latin than with Greek authors and he frequently mistranslates Greek words.

  37. 37.

    Stahl presents a full account of the reasoning of scholars on whether Macrobius was Christian and why Christian dogma would not enter into the material of the ancient Greek authors under discussion. Scholars still debate his identity since the holders of high office at that particular time were required to be Christian. The extant writings of Macrobius fail to make a single reference to any doctrines of Christianity, but recent scholarship sees little conflict between this fact and whether or not he actually was a Christian. There is no reason to expect references to Christianity since his subject matter in Commentary concerns the philosophical tenets of Neoplatonism and Saturnalia pertains to pagan antiquities and classical literature.

  38. 38.

    Scipio’s Dream by Cicero is an imitation of the Vision of Er, the closing episode in Plato’s Republic; Macrobius is credited with its survival. According to the philosophy that Macrobius discusses, souls descend from the sky at the intersection of the Milky Way and the zodiac. As individual souls pass through each of the planetary spheres, they acquire a specific attribute which they are to experience and learn from during their life on earth.

  39. 39.

    Stahl explains the latest scholarship on the various sources from which Macrobius drew. Scholars have now shown that, like other Latin compilers, Macrobius borrowed extensively from contemporary writers; but cited classical authors as their sources. It is generally agreed that the writings of Macrobius were not original, and that he borrowed extensively from Porphyry.

  40. 40.

    Lists of surviving manuscripts of Macrobius can be found in M. Manitius, Handschriften antiker Autoren in mittelalterlichen Bibliothekskatalogen (Leipzig 1935), pp. 227–32 and in Macrobius Opera quae supersunt, Ed, L von Jan, Leipzig, 1848–52.

  41. 41.

    Saxl, “Illustrated Encyclopedias 1.” The model for Isidore’s encyclopedic work goes back to Latin models, not Greek, as the Greeks had no inclination for composing encyclopedias. Varro wrote 41 books on the antiquities of human and divine things, but Isidore’s library did not contain a copy.

  42. 42.

    The Visigothic King Sisebut asked Isidore to explain the causes of natural phenomena, such as the lunar and solar eclipses seen in Spain. Following the royal request, Isidore wrote a treatise On the Nature of Things.

  43. 43.

    A long list of writers from the seventh to the tenth century, who adapted excerpts from Isidore, could be assembled. A complete list of extant manuscripts produced from Isidore’s time until the mid-ninth century can be found in C.H. Beeson, Isidorstudien (Munich, 1913).

  44. 44.

    For detailed information on the illustrative tradition of medieval encyclopedias, see Saxl (1957a, b) Illustrated Encyclopedias 1.

  45. 45.

    Laistner reports that Etymologiae had been edited and separated into twenty books by Isidore’s friend, Braulio, bishop of Saragossa, who also composed a short biography of Isidore and a chronological compilation of his writings.

  46. 46.

    Editions of Isidore are Faustinus Arevalo, Isidori Hispalensis opera omnia, 7 vols.(Rome, 1797-1803), in J. P. Migne Patrologia latina, LXXXI-LXXXIV; W. M. Lindsay, Isidori Hispalensis Etymologiarum sive Originum libri, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1911); and Jacques Fontaine, Isidore de Seville: Traité de la nature (Bordeaux 1960).

  47. 47.

    See Barney, S. A., Lewis, W. J., Beach, J. A., and Berghof, O., (2006) The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  48. 48.

    Bede quotes the second book of Pliny Secundus in Books XXVII, XXX, XXXI, XXXIV, and XXXV of his Natural History. (Charles W. Jones edition).

  49. 49.

    Noster libellus de uolubili ac fluctiuago temporum lapsu: The Reckoning of time, ch. 71 (544.91-92).

  50. 50.

    According to computus scholar Wesley Stevens, more than 9000 computistical tracts can be found in Latin manuscripts transcribed before 1600, approximately 1200 of them were written between the eighth and the eleventh centuries. He reports, “Those manuscripts have revealed unexpected evidence that early Christians drew more heavily and more specifically upon Hellenistic mathematics and natural sciences than any lectures, articles, or books had ever recognized much less explained.”

  51. 51.

    Wallis translation, Bede: On the Reckoning of Time, p. 71.

  52. 52.

    De natura rerum XIII, ed. C. W. Jones (1943), Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America.

  53. 53.

    Bede discusses The Four Seasons, Elements, and Humors in Chap. 35 of De temporum ratione.

  54. 54.

    In Stevens’, “Bede’s Scientific Achievement”, Jarrow Lecture of 1985 in Cycles of Time, Appendix I, he states that De natura rerum can be found in 135 manuscripts; his De temporibus, Books 1–16 survives in 97 manuscripts, Books 17–22 in 25; and De temporum ratione, Books 1–65 are extant in 245 copies, Books 66–71 in 41 manuscripts. Appendix II presents a complete list of De temporum ratione manuscripts from the eighth and ninth centuries. Unfortunately there is no indication whether any of these are illustrated with constellation figures or explanatory diagrams.

  55. 55.

    See Ps-Beda Venerablis, De Signis coeli ed. E. Maass, Commentariorum in Aratum reliquiae, Berlin, 1898, pp. 582–594. Also cited in Van de Vyver, ‘Traductions’, Osiris I (1936) and in Saxl and Meier. The entire text is online at www.kristenlippincott.com/assets/Uploads/ps-Bede-de-signis.

  56. 56.

    Hrabanus’ sources, beyond Isidore and Bede, included church fathers, Ambrose and Augustine, interspersed with pagan writers Virgil, Priscian, Donatus, Pliny and Hyginus, whom he quotes in Chap. 28.

  57. 57.

    “Only the oldest and the most recent copies have a full set of miniatures.” In addition to the Monte- cassino manuscript, the second fully illustrated copy is Vat. Lib. Cod. Pal. lat. 291, which has been dated to 1425 and contains 338 miniatures. The other three surviving copies are: Vat. Lib. Cod. Reg. lat. 391, dated to the beginning of the fifteenth century, with only the first eight miniatures; Berlin, Preussische Staats. Cod. fol.lat. (930) attributed to Catalonian artists of the late fourteenth century, has 141 miniatures; Paris, BN MS. Lat. 17177, produced around 1200 in western Germany has only four miniatures on two separate folios.

  58. 58.

    The section on monsters, trees, and plants, I am not qualified to comment upon, but the section on astronomy is full of errors and erroneous suppositions, for instance she refers to Eridanus as Enidris, does not recognize Canis Major and Sirius. She reports that the Aratea were written by Aratus, and that “the Aratea became very popular at the end of the Roman Empire.”

  59. 59.

    Le Berrurier, 3–5, The earliest of the five surviving copies of Hrabanus’ was decorated with miniatures which exhibit characteristics of southern Italian art of the time, but also show influences from an earlier period. This copy was modeled on a Carolingian manuscript as it has classical prototypes; its ultimate source for illustrations would have been ancient models.

  60. 60.

    Stevens, Cycles 190–96.

  61. 61.

    Le Berrurier, 63–64.

  62. 62.

    A facsimile of Hrabanus Maurus’ encyclopedic work De rerum naturis, or De Universo, was published in 1996. The facsimile was copied from the surviving manuscript produced in 1022–35, Montecassino Archivio dell’Abbazia; the large-format codex contains 530 pages in Beneventan script and illustrated with more than 360 miniatures.

  63. 63.

    Le Berrurier also suggests that the illustration of Helios in the Cod. Pal. Lat. 291 copy of Maurus was modeled on the iconography of the constellation Auriga. This is definitely not the case since Auriga is always dressed as a worker, not Apollo, the Lord of the Sun; furthermore Auriga is always accompanied by his goat and its kids and usually has a small square farm cart with two horses, not the magnificent chariot and four powerful horses of the Sun God Apollo.

  64. 64.

    The poor, obscure monastery of Ferrières was located south of Paris, between Orleans and Sens. Due to the poverty of the monastery, their library was small and its collection limited; therefore, Lupus was sent to Fulda to complete his education. At Fulda Lupus was taught and befriended by Hrabanus Maurus; he also corresponded with Einhard and met other young monks who, like Lupus, became heads of religious houses.

  65. 65.

    Lupus of Ferrières, Ep. I, Correspondence, ed. L.Levillain (Paris 1964); English translation, G.W. Regenos, The Letters of Lupus of Ferrières (The Hague 1966), no.1. For more information on Lupus, see also Beeson, C.H. (1930) Lupus as Scribe and Text Critic, Cambridge, MA.

  66. 66.

    While at Fulda, Lupus wrote and illuminated a large manuscript in which five Germanic law codes were brought together. Among the manuscripts that he handled were Valerius Maximus at Berne (No. 366), Aulus Gellius (Vat. Reg. 597) and Ti. Claudius Donatus’ commentary on the first six books of the Aeneid, and four manuscripts now in Paris: Cicero’s Letters of Symmachus (Lat. 8623) and Macrobius’ Commentary on the Somnium Scipionis (Lat. 6370).

  67. 67.

    In his earliest letter to Einhard (Epistle 1), Lupus seems to imply that even as an adolescent student in Ferrières, he was already a keen Ciceronian. Lupus’ own literary style shows the influence of his careful study of Cicero.

  68. 68.

    “The Belief in Stars in the Twelfth Century,” Saxl Lectures. This revision of the text of Harley 647 is discussed further in Chap. 7.

  69. 69.

    Liber Floridus, Rijksuniversiteit te Ghent Bibliotheek, MS 92. St-Omer is now in northern France, in the twelfth century it was a part of Flanders, governed by Flemish counts. Lambert writes proudly of local history and of Godfrey de Saint-Omer, one of the founders of the Knights Templar.

  70. 70.

    There were at least eleven medieval copies made of the Liber Floridus, with nine still extant in various European libraries and three partial copies; there is also a facsimile edition produced in 1968. The earliest and most accurate copy of the original is Wolfenbüttel, Ms. Gud. Lat. 201 made in the last quarter of the 12th c., the latest copy is dated 1512, The Hague, Royal Library, Ms. 128C 4, Edingen, The Liber Floridus consists of 287 numbered folios with illustrations on 64 of its folios; several sections are missing in the original manuscript but survive complete in its many copies.

  71. 71.

    Quoted from the Ghent University website, Liber Floridus and its bibliography can be viewed online.

  72. 72.

    The latest full study of the Liber Floridus was published by Derolez (1998); his work focuses on textual analysis and its paleography.

  73. 73.

    Some evidence indicates that Lambert may have been the librarian at St-Omer. He also left marginal notes, corrections and additions in various books that he used. A listing is provided in the Derolez appendix, pp. 194–96. Also listed are articles written concerning the history, illustrations, and maps of the Liber Floridus, including an article by Hans Swarzenski, “Comments on the Figural Illustrations” and another by Jessie Poesch “The Beasts from Job in the Liber Floridus Manuscripts,” pp. 5–9.

  74. 74.

    The full listing and a summary of the contents of the Liber Floridus was completed by Delisle (1903).

  75. 75.

    Derolez credits E. Mass, (1898) Commentariorum in Aratum reliquiae, Berlin, pp. 582–592.

  76. 76.

    The two copies are Boulogne-sur-Mer BM MS 188 and Bern MS 88; they are discussed in Appendix B.

  77. 77.

    “Gerard Isaac Lieftinck has shown that Lambert’s depictions of the constellations do not derive from one of the famous Aratus manuscripts of Saint-Bertin, as the latter descend from a Late Roman model, whilst Lambert’s constellations belong to the Isidorian tradition.” The ‘Aratus’ manuscripts held at Saint-Bertin are not Aratus poems but actually copies of the Aratea of Germanicus.

  78. 78.

    Here Derolez credits Excerptum de astrologia Arati, ed. Maass n. 167, p. 309, for the source of the commentary.

  79. 79.

    Derolez continues, “One really wonders how Lambert ever had access to another copy of these rare illustrations.” This study shows that the Aratean illustrations were not rare at all, but many copies dating from the Carolingian era and onward were available in monastic libraries in the twelfth century.

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Dolan, M. (2017). Astronomical Knowledge Transmission Through Illustrated Aratea Manuscript. In: Astronomical Knowledge Transmission Through Illustrated Aratea Manuscripts. Historical & Cultural Astronomy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56784-6_3

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