Abstract
In post-communist Central Europe, the concept of domestic violence has become a hotly debated political issue that serves as a litmus test for global and European integration. Since the political and economic regime change in the early 1990s, international organizations and national NGOs have successfully introduced the term “domestic violence” to the region. However, the combined efforts of local and international human rights instruments and feminist forces have been only partially effective at lobbying governments to pass legislation that criminalizes violence against women and establishes services to help victims. How, why, and when Central European governments responded to pressures to eliminate domestic violence varies widely both conceptually and chronologically. Some countries, like Slovenia, responded quickly by enacting legislation and attempting to implement effective laws. Others, such as the Czech Republic, produced comprehensive legislation but its implementation is slow. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Hungary were more resistant to change, ignoring or outright rejecting efforts to pass domestic violence legislation well into the early 2010s. While the vast majority of laws and related policies are gender-neutral and family-centric, some conceptualizations include gender inequality and a few attempt to coordinate between various agencies such as NGOs, the police, and welfare agencies. Signing the 2011 Istanbul Convention, the first binding international legal instrument among the Council of Europe member states, has become a focal point of ideological conflict because many Central European governmental attitudes have changed from one of openness and interest to one of hostility toward gender-sensitive interpretations of domestic violence.
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Notes
- 1.
The EU’s Daphne III project reports its results at http://ec.europa.eu/justice/fundamental-rights/programme/daphne-programme/index_en.htm. The United Nations’ CEDAW Committee lists its recommendations regarding periodic country reports at: www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw. The Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) offers governments’ reports on legal issues and service provisions pertaining to domestic violence (www.coe.int/en/web/istanbul-convention/publications). Numerous corrections to official data are available at WAVE (https://www.wave-network.org) and Advocates of Human Rights (www.theadvocatesforhumanrights.org).
- 2.
A report on Ukraine and Russia referenced a judicial dismissal of a suit alleging sexual harassment, arguing that without it, there would not be any children. The same report quoted a blogger arguing that he felt sorry for victims of violence, but believed that “in our emancipated times, women have no fewer ways of forcing men into relations than vice versa” and that many stories of abuse were simply invented by women (Walker, 2016).
- 3.
Named after economist Simon Kuznets, who first proposed the hypothesis in the 1950s, the Kuznets curve argues that as an economy develops, market forces first increase and then reduce economic inequality. The hypothesis has also been applied to environmental degradation.
- 4.
One notorious case involved sentencing a director of a hospital to 4 years in prison for throwing lye on his ex-partner after rendering her unconscious with an injection in 2013 (Pál, 2016). Numerous less publicized cases can be found regularly in the pages of commercial newspapers, such as Blikk, www.blikk.hu/szerelemfeltes.
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Fábián, K. (2017). The Politics of Domestic Violence in Central Europe: International and Domestic Contestations. In: Buzawa, E., Buzawa, C. (eds) Global Responses to Domestic Violence. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56721-1_7
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