Abstract
Not surprisingly, historians’ perceptions of the medical faculty of Montpellier c. 1300 have been shaped by the accomplishments of the two great figures active there at that time, Arnau de Vilanova and Bernard de Gordon. Both wrote a considerable number of long works on the theory and practice of medicine, works whose character and scope are virtually unparalleled in Western Europe at that moment, and in the ensuing half-century several other Montpellier masters—Stephen Arlandi, Jordan de Turre, Gérard de Solo—produced similar writings. Arnau and Bernard, it would seem, launched a self-conscious intellectual and literary tradition at Montpellier at the beginning of the fourteenth century, one that set the school well apart from its northern counterpart, Paris.
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Notes
- 1.
Jacquart 1998, 160–61, offers explanations for the lack of medical writing from medieval Paris.
- 2.
Bernard’s last known work was finished in 1309; Arnau died in 1311, but his last medical work, the Speculum medicine, had been completed in 1308 or conceivably early 1309.
- 3.
Schuba 1981, 204.
- 4.
Cartulaire de l’Université de Montpellier 1890, vol. 1, 232–33 (no. 31).
- 5.
McVaugh 1976.
- 6.
Wickersheimer 1936, 620.
- 7.
McVaugh 1987.
- 8.
Vilanova 1988, 30.
- 9.
One possible exception to this might be the Hippocratic Regimen acutorum. Three different texts purport to be Arnau’s notes on this work. (a) “Nota quod quinque sunt consideraciones” (five manuscripts), which is a summary of material drawn from the book, not a commentary thereupon; (b) “Hic liber Hippocratis idcirco regimen,” a fragmentary text in a style not unlike Arnau’s (found in MS Paris, Arsenal 709); and (c) “Intentio Ypocratis in libro regimenti” (in MS Erfurt, Q. 368). The question of the authenticity of any or all remains to be explored. See Paniagua 1994, 86 n. 13, 111.
- 10.
Vilanova 2014.
- 11.
Vilanova 1985.
- 12.
O’Boyle 1998, 103–4.
- 13.
I have consulted the text of Cardinalis’s commentary on the Regimen acutorum as contained in MS Kues 222, fols. 167r–181r.
- 14.
Wickersheimer 1936, 620. Some of the evidence presented here is given in the Dictionnaire a second time, in my view mistakenly, in a subsequent article concerning a second medical “Pierre de Capestang” (ibid., 640). My reasons for supposing that Pierre’s questiones on the Regimen were composed at Montpellier rather than later, at Paris, are set out in “Averroes Comes to Montpellier,” a contribution to the forthcoming Mélanges in honor of Danielle Jacquart (in press).
- 15.
Pierre was not the only Montpellier master c. 1300 concerned to explain the Regimen to a wider audience, but he is the only one we know to have taught the work via a commentary. Bernard de Gordon drew up two works built around its content, his De regimine acutorum morborum of c. 1294 and a Compendium de regimine acutorum that may be somewhat earlier (see Demaitre 1980, 37–40), and Arnau may have done something similar (see above, n. 9), but there is no proof that either actually expounded the text and its problems to students.
- 16.
On the questio disputata (in arts commentaries), see Weijers 1996, 62–70.
- 17.
- 18.
Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis 1892, tom. 1 pars 1, rev. ed., 151, where the manuscript is dated to the fourteenth century. I have given a fuller account of this manuscript in “A Miscellany? Or the Evolution of a Mind? MS Munich CLM 534,” forthcoming in Micrologus.
- 19.
The will was published in Roüet 1878, 409–17. (Wickersheimer 1936, 74, reports his name as “Engarra” from another publication of the same document.) In a third source, a late fourteenth-century copy of his commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms (MS Erfurt, Ampl. F. 290, fols. 40r–115r (old numeration); see below, n. 25), he is named “magistrum B. de angrarra cancellarium.” Engarran was a possession of the bishops of Montpellier, and as a place name could easily have been Latinized as “de (H)angarra” or perhaps “de Angrarra.” The Munich manuscript is of the early fourteenth century, copied quite possibly at Montpellier, and my references to him follow its spelling (without the aspirate), despite the fact that previous scholarship has consistently referred to him as “de Angrarra.”
- 20.
The four sets of dubitata are written in the same hand, one after another, with no spatial divisions. “Bernardus de Hangarra cancellarius” is named directly as the originator only of the dubitata on De malicia complexionis diverse, within which work he is frequently referred to as “C[ancellarius].” While the dubitata on De complexionibus and the Isagoge do not mention him by name, they too refer to the author of the questions as “C.” The questions on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms neither refer to Bernard by name nor identify the author as “C.”, but we will see below that there are solid reasons for attributing these questions to him as well.
- 21.
García Ballester 1982. Vivian Nutton has questioned the appropriateness of the term, pointing out that a large Latin corpus of “new” Galenic writings was already circulating in the middle of the previous century; see Galen 2011, 91–100. However, García Ballester’s conception seems useful to me as referring to a small subset of these works (in his words, a “decantación académica”) that became the focus of instruction in European medical faculties about 1300. See McVaugh 2013, 132–33.
- 22.
He also reveals his acquaintance with the Regimen sanitatis, De elementis, De virtutibus naturalibus, De differentiis febrium, De interioribus, and De tremore. The last-named of these (cited at fol. 203r of MS Oxford, Bodl. Laud. Misc. 558) is of additional interest because it testifies to the accessibility at Montpellier of Arnau’s translation of that work within a decade or two of its production at Barcelona in 1282.
- 23.
Jacquart 1998, 257–75.
- 24.
Cartulaire de l’Université de Montpellier 1890, vol. 1, 219–21 (no. 25).
- 25.
Cited above, n. 19. The manuscript is described by Schum 1887, 199.
- 26.
Weijers 1996, 146–48, comments on student note-taking from oral presentations.
- 27.
On the basis of a broader comparison of the two texts, I have recently argued that the Munich version probably contains a student’s notes on an early version of Bernard’s lectures on the Aphorisms, and the Erfurt manuscript a later and somewhat modified version of those lectures: McVaugh, “Hippocrates at Montpellier,” paper delivered to “Sicut dicit… A Methodological Workshop on the Editing of Commentaries on Authoritative Texts,” LECTIO, Leuven (Belgium), 11 March 2016, and now being prepared for publication.
- 28.
What follows has been taken from the introductory material to Bos et al. 2015, viii.
- 29.
“Creemos que el presente texto son apuntes tomados por estudiantes durante la exposición oral de Arnau, el cual … no tuvo tiempo de revisarlos personalmente, aunque sí de tenerlos en sus manos y quizás hacer algunos cambios”; Vilanova 1985, 38.
- 30.
“Admirari non debes si ea que ad exposicionem librorum Galieni et Ypocratis scripsimus communicare publice denegemus”; Vilanova 1988, 30.
- 31.
Vilanova 1985, 104–10.
- 32.
Vilanova 2014, 93–102.
- 33.
“Hortamur autem lectores, tam bacalarios quam magistros, ut frequenter perlegant hunc tractatum.… Nos autem circa exposicionem ipsius non potuimus illam diligenciam observare quam exigebat materia, propter varios labores instancium tribulacionum qui studium nostre mentis valde perturbaverunt; sed scimus quod in predicta exposicione aperuimus viam sufficienter intelligentibus”; Vilanova 1985, 296.
- 34.
A thirteenth title has been included by mistake in the list given in Vilanova 1985, 67.
- 35.
Vilanova 1985, 66.
- 36.
Ibid., 67: “Para exponer su personal concepción de la fiebre y de su mecanismo de producción … ante un auditorio de estudiantes.”
- 37.
Bernard’s questiones 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10 seem to me to correspond to Arnau’s Ib, IVa, Vb–c, VIIb, Xa, as enumerated at ibid., 65–66.
- 38.
Their disagreement is put into a wider context in Demaitre 2007, 117–20.
- 39.
Vilanova 1985, 219.
- 40.
Some of the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century debates arising out of the Avicennan definition are surveyed in Jacquart 1998, 379–91.
- 41.
Averroes 1562 (III.3), fol. 34vb. In his Aphorismi de gradibus Arnau wrote that “in omnibus erravit in quibus [Averoys] invectus est contra Galienum; et ideo contra eum specialiter scripsimus tractatum de intencione medicorum, et tractatum de consideracionibus operis medicine, ac epistolam de dosi tyriacalium medicinarum, ne laberentur in errorem debiles occasione dictorum”; Vilanova 1975, 201. To Arnau’s list of his consciously anti-Averroistic medical writings can thus now be added his commentary on De malitia.
- 42.
“A corde ad totum corpus non procedunt duo calores secundum numerum, scilicet distincti per diversa subiecta, sed unus est tantum numero per unum subiectum, in quo una forma caloris fundatur. Illud enim subiectum caloris naturalis, quod antea temperato calore informatum mittebatur ad membram, nunc incensum mittitur. Unde plane vult quod, secundum rem et numerum, non sit nisi unus calor in febre, sed in quantum febris”; Vilanova 1985, 269.
- 43.
- 44.
Another subject of contemporary debate within the Montpellier faculty seems to have been whether the natural heat (calor naturalis) or its material substrate, the radical moisture (humidum radicale), was the true foundation of physiological life. Bernard de Angarra took the former position in his Aphorisms-commentary (“dicendum quod humidum radicale non est primum principium vite sed calidum naturale”), while Bernard de Gordon seems to have favored the latter; see Demaitre 1992, esp. 272–73, who suggests that Angarra’s position may eventually have prevailed at the school. Arnau de Vilanova’s Tractatus de humido radicali is another witness to the importance of this theme to the faculty in the early 1290s; see the editorial introduction to Vilanova 2010.
- 45.
Vilanova 1985, 170.
- 46.
Arnau felt it necessary to spell out that point for any reader of his Aphorismi de gradibus (composed in the mid-1290s) who might still be confused about it: “Si distemperata equaliter in eisdem qualitatibus commisceantur, compositum resultabit distemperatum in terminis componencium”; Aphorism 35, in Vilanova 1975, 196.
- 47.
- 48.
“Cum elementa confracta sunt in mixto et minimum in virtute tangit minimum alterius, tunc elementa non sunt formis substancialibus nec omnino amiserunt eas, et tunc ex mutua accione calidi cum frigido resultat quedam qualitas, et ex accione sicci cum humido, resultat alia proportio. Qualitas igitur que resultat ex proporcione activarum et passivarum, vocatur complexio, et quia hec confraccio est multiplex, ideo complexio est multiplex”; Alonso Guardo 2003, 246.
- 49.
Vilanova 1520, fol. 11rb.
- 50.
References given below in square brackets at the end of each dubitatum are to the pages in Vilanova 1985 bearing the Galenic passage from which it appears to have been derived. I have had difficulties reading a word or two in the Munich manuscript; they have been left as they appear to me with a question mark attached.
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———. 1992. The Medical Notion of ‘Withering’ from Galen to the Fourteenth Century: The Treatise on Marasmus by Bernard of Gordon. Traditio 47: 259–307.
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Appendices
Appendix 1
Bernard de Angarra, questiones on Hippocrates, Aphorisms I.2:
In perturbationibus ventris et vomitibus que sponte fiunt, siquidem qualia oportet purgari purgentur, et confert et bene ferunt; si vero non, contrarium. Sic et inanitio, siquidem qualem oportet fieri fiat, et confert et bene ferunt; si vero non, contrarium. Contemplari igitur oportet et tempus et regionem et etates et egritudines in quibus oportet aut non. ( Galeni in aforismos Hippocratis, in Articella [Venice, 1523], fol. 3v: “translatio antiqua”).
-
A.
In MS Erfurt, Ampl. F. 290 (fols. 40vb–41rb)
-
[1]
Queritur utrum natura semper evacuet quale est evacuandum …
-
[2]
Queritur utrum si quale oportet quod purgari purgetur conferat. Videtur quod non. Ex tali evacuatione contingit intestinorum excoriatio, ut cum colera superflua a corpore purgatur; hec autem non confert, quare et cetera. Item ex tali purgatione contingit effymera ex commotione frigida in corpore in evacuatione humoris nocitivi; hoc autem non confert, quare et cetera. Item videtur illorum inculcatio cum dicitur “confert et bene ferunt”; unum enim videtur alterum ponere, quare et cetera. Oppositum dicit littera. Dicitur quod quale ex purgari est nocivum, tale dicitur semper quod huiusmodi peccans in corpore facit nocumentum, quare eductio eius a corpore faciet iuvamentum nature, pro quanto confert nature, unde ipsa alleviatur, eo quod a gravitate ipsam exoneratur et sic virtus invalidatur, propter quod etiam eductio illius nocitivi a natura faciliter toleratur; et hoc videmus ad sensum, quod cum aliquis purgatur ab humore nocitivo, ex hoc alleviatur sensibiliter et bene ac faciliter coleram absque molestis fert. Intelligendum enim quod per accidens hanc laudabilem purgationem aliquando sequitur nocumentum per accidens, ut excoriatio intestinorum ex mordicatione humorum purgari et debilitate intestinorum, pro quanto artificialiter in medicinis laxativis ponuntur quedam confortativa huiusmodi membra, ut dragagantum, bdellium, et similia. Similiter ex commotione humorum in evacuatione inflamantur spiritus unde contingit effymera, sed hoc accidit evacuationi nocitivi secundum quod huiusmodi, ista tamen accidentaliter. Nocumenta minus nocent quam purgatio nocitivi, et per hoc ad rationes; bene enim ostenditur quod aliquando per accidens aliqualiter non conferunt, per se tamen confert.
-
[3]
Queritur utrum medicus debeat imitari actionem nature…
-
[1]
-
B.
In MS Munich, CLM 534 (fol. 44vb)
-
[1]
Utrum natura evacuat quod non oportet. Dicit sic: aliquando enim expulsiva in stomaco expellit iuvativum cum nocitivo, et hoc convenit propter cibi malam qualitatem vel nimis quantitatem, unde expellitur ante digestionem et divisionem.
-
[2]
Utrum purgatio nocitivi conferat. Dicit sic, quia si quod lesit evacuatur realiter sequitur alleviatio; tamen accidentaliter nocet, ut pote quia aliquis habet intestina debilia, ideo leditur per transitum colere. Sunt ergo prius confortanda vel alibi purgandus est.
-
[3]
Utrum medicus debet sequi actionem nature. Dicit sic, cum sit minister suus. Si arguitur de statu, dicit quod non prohibetur nisi per accidens, propter accidentium fortitudinem, et fit aliquando in crisi incompleta, fortitudo autem talis accidentium in purgatione nature non ita timetur.
-
[1]
Appendix 2
Student notes on Bernard de Angarra’s questions on Galen, De malitia complexionis diverse (transcribed from MS Munich, CLM 534, fol. 43ra–b)Footnote 50
Supra libellum de mala complexione diversa hec sunt dubitata. Quorum positiones secundum magistrum Bernardum de Hangarra montis pessolani quondam cancellarium recita<n>tur.
-
(1)
Utrum in omni specie ydropisis sit mala complexio diversa. Quidam dicunt quod sic. G[alienus] autem expresse secundum unam literam vult oppositum, secundum aliam non expresse. Sciendum ergo quod in carnosa possibile est quod mala complexio diversa primo sit in carne, postea in epate. Quia vult G. vi.o de morbo cum membra nimis avide attrahunt cibum, replentur humiditatibus crudis indigestis, unde hec species ydropisis causatur; in aliis licet epar patiatur cui totum corpus communicat, hoc tamen non fit statim sed successive. [147]
-
(2)
Utrum lepra sit mala complexio totius corporis. Dixit Cancellarius quod non, quia ordo nature est ut membris nobilibus detur nutrimentum nobilius, unde extremitatibus cedit malum ex quo primo inficiuntur. [147]
-
(3)
Utrum sanguinis augmentatio in quantitate tantum faciat malam complexionem in illo membro. Dixit C[ancellarius] quod illa questio non erat rationalis, quia non augmentatur in quantitate nisi mutetur ad malam qualitatem. [163]
-
(4)
Utrum resolutio in apostemate insensibilis sit melior evacuatione sensibili. Dicit in quantum arguit fortitudinem virtutis quod meliora est, tam febribus quam apostematibus, tamen quia in febribus sepe fit cum permutatione occulta et inducit dubietatem, ideo ibi magis diligitur sensibilis, etiam apostematibus aut adhuc est periculum de sanie ne corrodat et ne vulnus male curatum inducat fistulam, ideo etc. [171–72]
-
(5)
Utrum res calidior in corpore sit colera. Dicit C. quod credit quod sic. Sed declaratio huius est difficilis. Sed sicut G. declarat frigiditatem flegmatis extat hu. (?), ita dicit Avicenna quod egerenti coleram patet quod ignis transeat intestina. Et quia colera inducit febrem incendens calorem cor(43rb)dis, quod non est si est [MS: etiam si etiam] minoris caloris quam eorum vel equalis, quod patet quia si ponatur manus equalis calore cum mea super meam, non mutat eius caliditatem. [196]
-
(6)
Utrum flegma sit frigidius quod est in corpore. Patet quod sic, quia diversitas huius partium chyli sequitur dominium elementorum; ergo quod operatur frigidissimo ut aqua, hoc erit frigidius. Hoc etiam patet ex parte efficientis, quia efficiens melancolie est calore temperatus, flegmatis autem calore abbreviatus. Hoc etiam patet ex tactu. [196]
-
(7)
Utrum in etica omnia membra sint supercalefacta. Dicit C. quod si intelligatur quod totaliter sint plena calore extraneo in omni parte, non est verum, quia tunc erunt corrupta. Sed si intelligatur quod nullus est, quoniam habeat aliquod de calore extraneo, sic potest stare, quia adhuc potest habere proprium calorem quo vivit et operatur. [219]
-
(8)
Utrum possit esse mala complexio equalis et diversa simul. Dicit C. quod sic virtualiter, ut in etica est equalis, cum qua si ponatur putrida, ea recedente, materiam adhuc virtualiter. [230–31]
-
(9)
Utrum membra sub naturali dispositione existentia alterent se. Dicitur quod sic, quia sunt contraria. Sed tamen unde non corrumpit aliud propter resistentiam. Et quia diversis mutationibus subiacet corpus, ideo non semper vincit unum ut alia ad se convertat. [230–31]
-
(10)
Utrum dolentes a frigore magis debent dolere cum approximantur calori. Dicit quod sic, quia redit sensus a frigore debilitatus, vel quia unum contrarium iuxta aliud fortificatur. [275]
-
(11)
Utrum caliditate existente in una parte et frigiditate in alia sentiantur in eadem. Dicit G. quod sic. Et ait C., hoc est propter vicinitatem quam sensus non distinguit, sicut propter velocitatem motus ligni ardentis estimatur ille motus circularis. [279–80]
-
(12)
Utrum in eadem parte possunt esse caliditas et frigiditas simul. Dicit C. quod sic, quia omnis dilectio preter intellectualem mixta est tristicia. Cum ergo calor inducat dilectionem, frigus inducet tristitiam. Et in alia re quam ponit, dicit quod non sint in ultimo, nam omnis calor et omne frigus. Sed ego credo istam questionem equalem et subalternatim illi, utrum elementa sint in mixto sub propriis formis. [279–80]
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McVaugh, M. (2017). In a Montpellier Classroom. In: Manning, G., Klestinec, C. (eds) Professors, Physicians and Practices in the History of Medicine. Archimedes, vol 50. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56514-9_4
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