Abstract
The longstanding struggle for self-determination and subsequent direct armed conflict between the Bangsamoro revolutionary movements and the Philippine government have created greater challenges for the people of the Bangsamoro in terms of development compared with the other parts of the Philippines. The pursuit of peace and development has become a “catch-22” phenomenon as the conflict has yet to be fully resolved. In this context, introducing development in an effort to help build peace is something that needs to be examined. The framework of Sustainable Human Development (SHD) is of great relevance to the Bangsamoro situation since not only does it aim to quantify the levels of development through an HDI, but more importantly, it is an approach that promises to embrace a concept of development that can respond to the aspirations of capabilities and freedoms.
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Notes
- 1.
“Bangsamoro” consists of two words, bangsa and Moro. Bangsa is a Malay word, the political connotation of which means nation, and Moro is the name given by the Spanish colonialists to the Muslim population of Mindanao similar with the name they call the Muslims of North Africa, who for centuries ruled the Iberian peninsula. Combining the two words, Bangsamoro means Moro Nation. The Muslims who traditionally inhabited Mindanao, Basilan, Palawan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi call themselves Bangsamoro. They are Iranun, Maguindanaon, Meranao, Tao-Sug, Sama, Yakan, Jama Mapun, Kalagan, Kolibugan, Sangil, Molbog, Palawani, and Badjao.” Quoted from Lingga (2007) in his Powerpoint presentation “Conflict Situation in Mindanao”, published in www.bangsamorostudies.org (27 August 2010). In this thesis, the term Bangsamoro is also interchangeably used with the term Moro, and while the term Muslim Filipinos is a term used by Filipino historians and the Philippine state and its agencies to refer to the Bangsamoro. On the other hand, at present, the Moros themselves use the term Muslim Filipinos to include those who may not be part of the thirteen ethno-religious grouping but who profess Islam as their religion. This includes those who are balik-Islam or Muslim reverts or converts in the Philippines.
- 2.
The acronym GRP was later changed to GPH, or Government of the Philippines, to follow the ISO standards naming system. See explanations in: Mindanews; at: http://www.mindanews.com/mindaviews/comment/2011/01/%E2%80%9Cgrp%E2%80%9D-to-%E2%80%9Cgph%E2%80%9D-why/ (9 August 2012).
- 3.
Ibid. Glang (2003) cites the American government official, Najeeb Saleeby (during the American history in the Philippines) in defining the Moro problem.
- 4.
The story behind the negotiations of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) that started during the time of President Marcos and continued in the term of President Corazon Aquino are written by Majul (1998), while the events that culminated to the 1996 Final Peace Agreement between the MNLF and the Philippine government are written by Iribani (2006).
- 5.
See Bacani (2006). See also various interviews with MNLF commanders – the Pro-Misuari Group in Bgy. Sapu Padido, Malapatan, Saranggani Province, and the Pro-government (Sema Group or ICC) were part of the UNDP Act for Peace Programme in Bgy. Baliton, Glan, Saranggani Province from May to June 2008. Problems of corruption in the governance of the ARMM are highlighted in Rasul (2003). Another book on the GRP-MNLF 1996 FPA was written by Rasul (2007).
- 6.
The World Bank Country Brief, Recent Economic Developments, explains that this positive 7.3% growth can be attributed in part to the national elections spending factor besides the overall impact of improved economies in the Asian region. Nevertheless, this Philippine growth continues to be an average performance compared to countries like Singapore at 15.5%, Thailand at 12.0, China at 11.9, Malaysia at 10.1, India at 8.6, Vietnam at 5.8, and Indonesia at 5.7. See at: http://go.worldbank.org/9MDA4VTP20 (2 August 2010).
- 7.
See at: www.worldbank.org.ph under Country Brief (2 August 2010).
- 8.
See the Presentation Slide No. 13 of Virola, Romulo A, at: http://pcij.org/blog/wp-docs/NSCB_Poverty_2006.pdf (10 March 2008).
- 9.
Ibid.
- 10.
Philippine poverty statistics Table 12: Poverty Incidence, Magnitude of Poor and Share to the Total Poor in Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao, 2000, 2003, 2006.
- 11.
See the National Expenditure Program FY 2008–2010 in the Philippine Department of Budget and Management website; at: https://dbm.gov.ph/35-budget-documents (7 August 2010).
- 12.
More discussions on the weak fiscal state of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) can be found in LGSPA and INCITEGov (2007).
- 13.
This was marked by the non-signing of the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain schedule in August 2008 in Putrajaya. The Government of the Philippines was prevented from signing this agreement due to a Temporary Restraining Order by the Philippine Supreme Court. The developments of this post-MOA-AD are explained in the succeeding chapters.
- 14.
Interview with Bangsamoro Development Agency Chair, Dr. Abas Candao, Cotabato City, May 2008.
- 15.
- 16.
As cited by Gustavo Esteva in his article ‘Development’, in Sachs (1992), Chapter 2.
- 17.
The ideas and values of development and democracy were considered to be counter-strategies to arrest the spread of the communist/socialist ideology espoused by the Soviet Union, China, and others.
- 18.
The building of modern facilities and process of industrialization do not necessarily bring development to local communities, as expounded by Verhelst (1987: 11–13).
- 19.
- 20.
Ibid., p. 16. A criticism of the global impact of the trickle-down theory or catching-up theory is discussed in Verhelst (1987: 10–13).
- 21.
As cited in Gustavo Esteva’s chapter on ‘Development’, p. 13, in The Development Dictionary by Sachs (1992). On the same page Esteva also mentions an earlier initiative of the UN in 1962, which defined development as growth plus change – which includes social, cultural and economic, and both in qualitative and quantitative ways.
- 22.
- 23.
- 24.
The ideas of Paulo Friere on the pedagogy of the oppressed and the consequential programmes of conscientization of NGOs had bolstered the pursuit of freedom in crafting development of the oppressed communities. See Verhelst (1987: 15). For arguments on the assertion of freedom as constitutive of development, see Sen (1999: xii, 10–11).
- 25.
Ibid. He makes this argument in counterpoint to the environmental Puritanism that puts the protection of the environment before the needs of humanity, p. 18.
- 26.
See Kriesberg et al. (1989). Intractable social conflict is defined as “a conflict that is unresolvable and this state also comes close to being defined as ‘stubbornness’,” as cited by Thorson (1989: 2). He also cites Kriesberg’s concept that “conflicts have varied degrees of intractability”. But more significantly, this nature of intractability is not without solution. Thorson states (pp. 4–5) that even intractable conflicts can be made tractable depending on how the conflict is understood and re-framed. Added to this, Kriesberg suggests two ways of pursuing this process of transforming intractability by (1) doing historical sequencing of events (2) and at certain times, by carefully identifying the appropriate time of doing this – see p. 9. Kriesberg further explains (p. 110) the many bases for the development of intractable conflicts as follows: (1) “the primary adversaries do not recognize the legitimacy of their opponents as possible bargaining partners; (2) one or more adversaries believe that the differences with the opponents are too large to be bridged without further and intensified struggle; (3) one or more of the parties includes major groups for whom the struggle against the enemy has become a major reason for their existence; (4) parties may have such different conceptions about the conflict that they have difficulty agreeing how to de-escalate or that it would be desirable to do so”. Kriesberg suggests that conflict can be prevented “from becoming frozen or to transform one that has become non-negotiable by requiring a strategy. The strategy entails selecting the appropriate parties, issues, and combination of inducements for the desired movement at a particular time. Three matters are important in preventing this intractability: (1) absence of vested interests by parties in the struggle; (2) lack of hope that the status quo can be fundamentally altered; (3) movement toward reconciliation among the adversaries” (Kriesberg et al. 1989: 119).
- 27.
See Timmer/Akkus (2008: 54); at: www.cgdev.org (11 May 2012).
- 28.
The HDR 2010 fully explains this relationship between economic growth and other human development areas, with the conclusion that both should be viewed as complementing each other. What is deemed more important is that economic growth must positively impact the human development aspect. See Chapter 3: Diverse Paths to Progress of HDR (2010).
- 29.
The HDR 2010 also goes to the extent of explaining how there is also no direct correlation between the employment of democracy and improvements in human development; however, there are strong foundations to believe that democratic policies and institutions tend to result in better chances of realizing human development in the long run.
- 30.
See the discussion on the economic dimension of conflict in the article by Kim/Conceicao (2010); at: http://www.gmu.edu/programs/icar/ijps/vol15_1/KimConceicao15n1.pdf (23 July 2011). For discussions of repercussions on the conflict-affected communities as shown in terms of statistics, see the report by the World Bank and the World Food Programme (2011) and the report by the Human Development Network (2005). See also a study on the impacts of war and conflict at household level by Justino (2012); at: www.ids.org (11 May 2012); and by Justino (2009); at: www.hicn.org (11 May 2012).
- 31.
See Galtung (2010: 26); at: http://tps.sagepub.com/content/47/1/20 (1 August 2012).
- 32.
The reality of a still ongoing conflict with the government and the MILF and other MNLF groups, such as the Pro-Misuari group, is another factor of an inconducive environment. It is also interesting to note the Pospisil (2005) study on how USAID money is spent in Mindanao. Another assessment of US official development assistance to Mindanao highlights the perceived success of using aid money as part of its counter-terrorism programme (Stuebner/Hirsch 2005). Interviews with Bangsamoro communities on the impact of donor money in the areas of Tawi-Tawi, Zamboanga, Cotabato, Marawi, and General Santos City were done by the author in May to July 2008. Among those that are highly criticized by the local communities are the USAID programmes.
- 33.
See website of Human Development Report under the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP); at: http://hdr.undp.org/en/humandev/ (20 December 2010).
- 34.
The roles of a social scientist researcher using the abductive strategy are explained in Blaikie (2007: 90).
- 35.
In Mindanao, this method is more commonly known as PRA, although it has evolved as PLA, as explained by Chambers (1997). An NGO, Balay Mindanao has institutionalized Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) as a method for local development planning in its various programmes. It has published a resource book which is translated into the local Bisayan language. See Balay Mindanaw Foundation Inc. (BMFI) and Resource Center for Empowerment and Development (RCED), 2002, Kab-ot Gahum: A Resource book on Local Development Planning through Participatory Rural Appraisal (Cagayan de Oro City: BMFI/RCED).
- 36.
Among the two communities, Baranggay Dalgan has not experienced PRA/PLA, but Baranggay Labungan has used some of the PRA methods, such as community mapping, as part of its work with the Bangsamoro Development Agency.
- 37.
Many of the NGOs under the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society have been using FGDs and some community mapping tools in their community assessment and development programmes. The more comprehensive study is the recent Socio-Economic Development Plan (SEDP) for Conflict Affected Areas in Mindanao, implemented by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) Philippines through its Japan Bangsamoro Initiatives for Reconstruction and Development (J-BIRD), presented during the “Mindanao Educators for Peace Summit: Transforming the Conflict in Mindanao through Peace Education and Quality Higher Education”, 11–16 January 2010, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang, Malaysia, organized by the Mindanao Association of State Colleges and Universities Foundation (MASCUF), the Research and Education for Peace Universiti Sains Malaysia (REPUSM) and the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). The SEDP also used FGDs and key informant interviews as its method. And similar to the method of PLA, it implemented Quick Impact Projects (QIP) as its pilot testing phase. Another example is the Bangsamoro Development Agency – World Bank Multi-donor Trust Fund (MTF) programme. This programme conducts similar development training and project implementation using the World Bank’s own Community Driven Development (CDD) framework.
- 38.
The BDA is the development arm of the MILF. It was created by the Philippine government and the MILF as an entity that commenced rehabilitation, reconstruction and development in the conflict-affected areas in Mindanao as part of its confidence-building measures while the peace negotiations are still ongoing.
- 39.
A barangay is the smallest political unit in the local government system in the Philippines.
- 40.
This is a technical term being coined by the peace negotiations. It refers to the area that will be included as part of a territory that will be placed under a new political government system led by the Bangsamoro vis a vis the Philippine State. On 7 October 2012, President Aquino officially gave the name ‘Bangsamoro’ to this NPE when announcing it on national television.
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Abubakar, A.U. (2019). Introduction. In: Peacebuilding and Sustainable Human Development. The Anthropocene: Politik—Economics—Society—Science, vol 16. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53387-2_1
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