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Introduction

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Part of the book series: Comparative Territorial Politics ((COMPTPOL))

Abstract

This chapter places our research into public and elite attitudes to constitutional change in the UK in historical context. It considers the situation on 19 September 2014, the day after Scotland voted to remain in the UK. In the months that followed, significant developments occurred in the governance of England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. We consider those developments and also set out the approach we adopted to our research and the structure of this book.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    David Cameron, ‘Scottish Independence Referendum: Statement by the Prime Minister’, 19 September 2014, at https://www.gov.uk/government/news/scottish-independence-referendum-statement-by-the-prime-minister (accessed 31 October 2016). (Cameron 2014)

  2. 2.

    David Clegg, ‘David Cameron, Ed Miliband and Nick Clegg sign Joint Historic Promise which Guarantees More Devolved Powers for Scotland and Protection of NHS if We Vote No’, The Daily Record, 15 September 2014, at http://www.dailyrecord.co.uk/news/politics/david-cameron-ed-miliband-nick-4265992 (accessed 31 October 2016) (Clegg 2014).

  3. 3.

    As McLean puts it, the West Lothian Question ‘properly stated, relates to the powers of MPs (and in principle peers) not from a given part of the UK to alter legislation that affects only that part’. See McLean, ‘Report of the Commission on the Consequences of Devolution for the House of Commons (the McKay Commission)’, The Political Quarterly, 84:3 (2013), p. 395 (McLean 2013). The concrete examples most often used to illustrate the problem are a series of votes on hospital and higher education funding during 2003 and 2004. The bills in question principally applied to England and yet their majority support in the Commons depended on Scottish and Welsh MPs.

  4. 4.

    Cameron, ‘Scottish Independence’.

  5. 5.

    Anthony Seldon and Peter Snowdon, Cameron at Ten: The Verdict (London: William Collins, 2016), p. 420 (Seldon and Snowdon 2016).

  6. 6.

    Severin Carrell, Nicholas Watt and Patrick Wintour, ‘The Real Story of the Scottish Referendum: Britain on the Brink’, The Guardian, 15 December 2014, at https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/dec/15/-sp-britain-on-brink-real-story-scottish-independence (accessed 31 October 2016) (Carrell et al. 2014).

  7. 7.

    Seldon and Snowdon, Cameron at Ten, p. 420.

  8. 8.

    McKay Commission, Report of the Commission on the Consequences of Devolution for the House of Commons (London: HMSO, 2013) (McKay Commission 2013); see also Michael Kenny, ‘Englishness Politicised? Unpicking the Normative Implications of the McKay Commission’, British Journal of Politics & International Relations, 17:1 (2015), pp. 152–170 (Kenny 2015); McLean, ‘Report of the Commission’.

  9. 9.

    Cameron, ‘Scottish Independence’.

  10. 10.

    BBC, ‘George Osborne: Greater Manchester to Have Elected Mayor’, 3 November 2014, at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-29876939 (accessed 31 October 2016) (BBC 2014a); see Daniel Kenealy, ‘A Tale of One City? The Devo Manc Deal and Its Implications for English Devolution’, The Political Quarterly, 87:4 (2016), pp. 572–581 (Kenealy 2016).

  11. 11.

    ESRC grant number ES/M010856/1.

  12. 12.

    The full text of the Scotland Act 2012 is at http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2012/11/contents; see Daniel Kenealy, ‘The Scotland Bill: Whence and Whither?’, Scottish Affairs, 79:1 (2012), pp. 1–35 (Kenealy 2012).

  13. 13.

    Commission on Scottish Devolution, Serving Scotland Better: Scotland and the United Kingdom in the 21st Century (Edinburgh: Commission on Scottish Devolution 2009) (Commission on Scottish Devolution 2009).

  14. 14.

    Alan Trench, ‘The Calman Commission and Scotland’s Disjointed Constitutional Debate’, Public Law, October (2009), pp. 686–696 (Trench 2009).

  15. 15.

    Commission on Devolution in Wales, Empowerment and Responsibility: Financial Powers to Strengthen Wales (Cardiff: Commission on Devolution in Wales 2012) (Commission on Devolution in Wales 2012); Commission on Devolution in Wales, Empowerment and Responsibility: Legislative Powers to Strengthen Wales (Cardiff: Commission on Devolution in Wales 2014) (Commission on Devolution in Wales 2014).

  16. 16.

    Jones remarked: ‘If it’s going to Scotland and not to Wales, how else are the people of Wales meant to look at it other than it being discriminatory on the part of the UK government? We cannot continue with this piecemeal approach to devolution and changing the UK’. Quoted in BBC, ‘Offer Wales Same Powers as Scotland, say Carwyn Jones’, 27 November 2014, at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-30226324 (accessed 31 October 2016) (BBC 2014b).

  17. 17.

    Richard Wyn Jones, ‘New Powers Recommended for Scotland will be “Yardstick” by which Proposals for Wales are Measured’, Wales Online, 27 November 2014, at http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/news-opinion/wales-leading-political-scientist-says-8188812 (accessed 31 October 2016) (Jones 2014).

  18. 18.

    UK Government, Powers for a Purpose: Towards a Lasting Devolution Settlement for Wales, Cm. 9020 (London: HMSO) (UK Government 2015).

  19. 19.

    Steven Morris, ‘New Powers for Wales Dismissed as Third-Rate Devolution’, The Guardian, 27 February 2015, at https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2015/feb/27/powers-wales-devolution-st-davids-day-agreement-plaid-cymru (accessed 27 November 2016) (Morris 2015).

  20. 20.

    Richard Wyn Jones, ‘Welsh Politics After the Vow’, 20 January 2015, at http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/news-opinion/richard-wyn-jones-welsh-politics-8484887 (accessed 31 October 2016) (Jones 2015).

  21. 21.

    Independent Commission on Funding and Finance for Wales, Final Report – Fairness and Accountability: A New Funding Settlement for Wales, July 2010, at http://gov.wales/docs/icffw/report/100705fundingsettlementfullen.pdf (accessed 31 October 2016) (Independent Commission on Funding and Finance for Wales 2010). According to Holtham’s analysis, Wales was (at the time) underfunded to the tune of approximately £300 million annually. Conversely Scotland was, on a needs-basis, over-funded (at the time) by approximately £4 billion annually. Although George Osborne announced a funding floor for Wales in November 2015, meaning that Wales would be guaranteed a minimum of 115% of comparable spending per head in England, the fundamental issue of Barnett Formula reform remained off the table. See Vivienne Russell, ‘Osborne Sets New Minimum Funding Level for Wales’, Public Finance, 25 November 2015, at http://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2015/11/osborne-sets-new-minimum-funding-level-wales (accessed 31 October 2016) (Russell 2015).

  22. 22.

    See Brian Walker, ‘Almost Unnoticed, a New Agreement Has Been Negotiated to Try to End Political Deadlock in Northern Ireland’, Constitution Unit blog, 13 January 2015, at https://constitution-unit.com/2015/01/13/almost-unnoticed-a-new-agreement-has-been-negotiated-to-try-to-end-political-deadlock-in-northern-ireland/ (accessed 13 November 2016) (Walker 2015). For details of the Agreement, including the full text see https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-stormont-house-agreement.

  23. 23.

    BBC, ‘Welfare Reform: How Did Sinn Fein Lose Faith in Stormont House Deal?’, 10 March 2015, at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-31819428 (accessed 13 November 2016) (BBC 2015a).

  24. 24.

    BBC, ‘Kevin McGuigan Murder: Provisional IRA Still Exists, Says PSNI Chief’, 22 August 2015, at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-34026678 (accessed 13 November 2016) (BBC 2015b).

  25. 25.

    The text of the agreement can be accessed at https://www.gov.uk/government/news/a-fresh-start-for-northern-ireland (accessed 13 November 2016). See Derek Birrell, ‘Northern Ireland’s Fresh Start Agreement Leaves Major Issues Unresolved’, Political Studies Association blog, 18 January 2016, at https://www.psa.ac.uk/insight-plus/blog/northern-irelands-fresh-start-agreement-leaves-major-issues-unresolved (accessed 13 November 2016). (Birrell 2016)

  26. 26.

    Seldon and Snowdon, p. 420.

  27. 27.

    Adam Evans, ‘Federalists in Name Only? Reassessing the Federalist Credentials of the Liberal Democrats: An English Case Study’, British Politics, 9:3 (2014), p. 354 (Evans 2014).

  28. 28.

    BBC, ‘Offer Wales Same Powers as Scotland, Says Carwyn Jones’, 27 November 2014, at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-30232586 (accessed 31 October 2016) (BBC 2014b).

  29. 29.

    Mark Ferguson, ‘Miliband calls for UK Constitutional Convention – and the Whole Country Will Have a Say, Not Just Politicians’, Labour List, 19 September 2014, at http://labourlist.org/2014/09/miliband-calls-for-uk-constitutional-convention-and-the-whole-country-will-have-a-say-not-just-politicians/ (accessed 31 October 2016) (Ferguson 2014).

  30. 30.

    Ferguson, ‘Miliband Calls for UK Constitutional Convention’.

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Kenealy, D., Eichhorn, J., Parry, R., Paterson, L., Remond, A. (2017). Introduction. In: Publics, Elites and Constitutional Change in the UK. Comparative Territorial Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52818-2_1

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