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The State-Civil Society Relationship in Korea

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Part of the book series: The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific ((PEAP))

Abstract

Since the occurrence of the financial crisis in 1997 and the emergence of the Kim Dae-jung Government, civic groups started to show conspicuous increase in their activities. This research shows that there is, however, still an imbalance between state and the society in Korea since 1998. What matters the most is that the relationship between the government and nongovernmental organizations is not a horizontal and equal one. Although this relationship is framed as a very independent and objective one, it is consists of a twofold structure in which the nongovernmental organizations are seized under the government influence in return for the supports from the government including financial subsidies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Non-profit civic organizations (NPOs) are civil society organizations that serve public interests by producing or providing quasi-public goods such as education, medical treatment, culture and social services for development and welfare for society. This research uses the term NPO to refer to non-profit foundations that do not seek profit in legal terms (educational foundations, social welfare foundations, and scholarship foundations, etc.) as well as civil society organizations.

  2. 2.

    The Ministry of Public Administration and Security has disclosed the data since 2008, so the previous data from 2000 were collected by using the data from the parliamentary inspections. In the case of 2006 and 2007 under the Roh Moo-hyun Government, data on the number of programs and the total amount of funds were included, but the data on each subcategory could not be acquired and thus were excluded. Still, it would be fair to say that there will not be much difficulty in identifying the overall outline of the research and government dispositions.

  3. 3.

    Collaborative-vendor, which is in contrast with collaborative-partner, means a ‘relationship in which the NPOs fail to have discretionary power or negotiating power and end up as agents of the government which carry out government programs with government resources. Whether the relationship is collaborative-vendor or collaborative-partner relationship depends on the level of discretionary and negotiating power that the NPO with government fund can exercise’ (Lee 1998: 46–47; Girdon et al. 1992).

  4. 4.

    Because there are differences in program categories according to various governments and periods, this research reorganized program categories with the same characteristics into a single category to identify the changes that took place. The 10 reorganized categories are as follows: (1) Social integration, (2) Expansion of citizen participation, (3) Cultural civil rights movement, (4) Volunteer work, (5) Growth of human rights/interests, (6) Establishing social transparency, (7) Resource saving/environmental preservation, (8) Safety supervision/disaster relief, (9) Assisting North Korean citizens/overseas Koreans, (10) International exchanges.

  5. 5.

    Although a direct comparison could not be drawn, this shows stark contrast with non-profit social service organizations in the United States, which earned 47.0–57.11% of their budgets through self-sustained activities such as program costs and fees while receiving less than 10% of their budgets from government funding (Rho 2001).

  6. 6.

    The special act for the three organizations means legislation related to the National Council of the Saemaul Movement, The Association for the Society for a Better Tomorrow and Korea Freedom Federation.

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Correspondence to Yeonho Lee .

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Lee, Y., Sung, C.H. (2017). The State-Civil Society Relationship in Korea. In: Choi, J., Kwon, Hj., Koo, M. (eds) The Korean Government and Public Policies in a Development Nexus. The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52473-3_4

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