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Approaches to the Study of Pottery Exchange and Rural Livelihoods in San Bartolomé de los Olleros: Concepts, Background, and Methods

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Pottery, Livelihoods, and Landscapes

Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs in Latin American Studies ((BRIEFSLAS))

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Abstract

This chapter presents the concepts, background information, and methods used to study the livelihoods and exchange practices of the potters of San Bartolomé de los Olleros . It draws on theory, concepts, and advances from the two broad fields of Andean Studies and Development Studies. In Andean Studies, it particularly considers the themes of ecological complementarity and exchange. From Development Studies, it engages with concepts of diversification of livelihoods and nonagricultural or off-farm rural livelihood activities. This study is also placed in the context of studies of pottery production in the Andes more generally. Specifically, it stems from a larger survey of pottery production in the Northern Peruvian Andes (see especially Ramón 2008; Ramón and Bell 2013), which provides important background information about regional practices. This chapter also includes a basic introduction to pottery production in Olleros , and explains the relationship between pottery and other livelihood activities. Finally, the chapter concludes with a presentation of the research and analytic methods used in this study.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For a more historical perspective, Larson (1995: 24) similarly explains that in the colonial period, “such non commodity forms of circulation continued to provide varying degrees of social insurance—and alternative commitments—against the vagaries of the market, uncertainties of climate, and extractive pressures of the state.”

  2. 2.

    See also Stern (1995) for an analysis of how Andean peoples combined their “traditional” economy with the European market economy starting from the earliest days of the Spanish conquest. Additionally, see Larson (1998) for a more detailed description of the evolution of barter systems in Cochabamba, Bolivia.

  3. 3.

    See Mohr (1992) for an attempt at discussing pottery production with respect to complementarity, see Ramón and Bell (2013) for an analysis of pottery, verticality, and archaeology.

  4. 4.

    Many of the observations made during studies of exchange are related to agricultural production and the idea that ecological complementarity is a motivating factor for exchange. Looking at trade practices in a different environmental context can only work to expand our understanding of Andean exchange practices. The Northern Andes, and Piura specifically, differ from the Central/Southern Andes in several important ways: especially in ecological zones (páramo instead of puna at high altitudes), and climate patterns (warmer temperatures, more rainfall) (see Brush 1977 or Salomon 1986 for a fuller treatment of these topics). Since these features so strongly influence agricultural practices, it is expected that they will also affect exchange practices.

  5. 5.

    Chancaca (also known in Spanish as raspadura) is a kind of hard brown sugar from which the molasses has not been separated. Córdova (1990: 87) describes the production and trade of this product well: “A common product exchanged is ‘la chancaca’ or ‘dulce’. This is a product of sugarcane, extracted using a ‘trapiche’ (a milling device)…. All of the juice is extracted…boiled until it is viscous… it is then put into small wooden molds specially made to shape ‘loaves’ of sugar. When cooled, two loaves are put together and wrapped in the dry banana leaves. These ‘atados’ (2 loaves together) are then ready for market or barter. This product is taken to the yunga and the quechua baja to ‘Los Altos’ [among other places] where it is traded for oca, wheat, and wool” (my paraphrase and translation). Weismantel’s (1988: 109) description of “rapadura” or “panela” slightly adds to Córdova’s description; in Zumbagua, her study site in the Ecuadorian highlands, “Rapadura is more expensive than white sugar and is therefore disappearing from the diets of most households, except as an occasional luxury.” In Olleros, chancaca is often traded alongside pots, but it is more sought after than pots among the customers/traders who visit Olleros, and it is arguably of higher prestige.

  6. 6.

    “Si se puede cultivar, si que no, es que… no cargan igual pues” (Emilia Pintado). A note on annotation: English translations of quotations taken from interviews are included in the text. The Spanish transcriptions are provided as footnotes, since sometimes multiple interpretations of respondents’ words are possible. Respondents’ full names are used, based on discussion with potters who both deserve credit for their opinions and appreciate the publicity for their work (and any new clients it may bring).

  7. 7.

    Opinions include “…en tiempo que hacíamos ollas allá en Aguayco [sector of Olleros where people lived during the hacienda], el día domingo venía más gente a comprar ollas.” (Irma Abad); “bueno, ya hace…ya como treinta años más o menos porque de allí esa gente ya dejó de venir acá abajo…” (Luzmila Parihuamán) and “ya ahorita ya no se hace, es por el motivo que ya no hay negocio….” (Oralia Mondragón).

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  1. Department of Humanities, Geography Section, Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, Lima, Peru

    Martha G. Bell

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Bell, M.G. (2017). Approaches to the Study of Pottery Exchange and Rural Livelihoods in San Bartolomé de los Olleros: Concepts, Background, and Methods. In: Pottery, Livelihoods, and Landscapes. SpringerBriefs in Latin American Studies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52331-6_1

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