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Ill-Motivated Criminal Proceedings as a Means in the Political Arena?

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Abstract

This contribution refers to the Greek legal system as an example of a legal order that applies an extended special framework in order to protect political decision-makers against ill-motivated criminal proceedings. In this context, several cases are presented, in order to demonstrate the aims and the consequences of the exceptional regime, and the on-going effort to respect the extraordinary character of political decision-making without favouring impunity.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This is clearly demonstrated in the national reports and the comparative analyses of the present edition. See also Κ. Chrysogonos, I ekptosi tis ypourgikis efthynis, Honorary Volume for S. Alexiadis, 2010 (Sakkoulas, Athens), p. 1129 (1131-1134); P. Mantzoufas, I schesi politikis kai poinikis efthynis ton melon tis kyvernisis, in: Mantzoufas/Margaritis/Symeonidou-Kastanidou, I poiniki efthyni ton Ypourgon, Dynatotites kai oria, 2014 (Nomiki Bibliothiki, Athens), p. 1 (7); as well as the ‘Report on the Relationship between Political and Criminal Ministerial Responsibility’ adopted by the European Commission For Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission) at its 94th Plenary Session (Venice, 8-9 March 2013), available at http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2013)001-e.

  2. 2.

    A. N. Loverdos, I Poiniki Efthyni ton Melon tis Kyvernisis kai ton Yfypourgon sto Koinovouleftiko Politevma, 1995 (Ant. N. Sakkoulas, Athens), pp. 84-106. See a collective reference to the views on the justification of the special regime in L. Margaritis, Ypourgoi kai Yfypourgoi: pathitiki dorodokia kai nomimopoiisi esodon apo egklimatiki drastiriotita, Poiniki Dikaiosyni (PoinDik) 2011, p. 490 (490-491).

  3. 3.

    Loverdos (note 2), p. 120.

  4. 4.

    Κ. Chrysogonos, Syntagmatikes diastaseis tis poinikis efthynis ton melon tis kyvernisis kai ton yfypourgon, Υperaspisi 1997, p. 451 (455); Mantzoufas (note 1), pp. 8-9.

  5. 5.

    Chrysogonos (note 1), p. 1134, notes that the Greek system essentially comprises all the protective provisions found in the other European constitutions, plus one (the special prescription period). For the special attributes of the Greek political and legal system, see also Loverdos (note 2), pp. 23-24.

  6. 6.

    Chrysogonos (note 4), pp. 455-456. See also the chapter ‘Criminal Liability of Political Decision Makers in Greece’ by Athina Giannakoula in the present edition regarding immunities.

  7. 7.

    See Art. 86 of the Greek Constitution (translations of the Constitution are available at the Parliament’s website: http://www.hellenicparliament.gr/en/Vouli-ton-Ellinon/To-Politevma/Syntagma/) and statute 3126/2003 (Art. 1: ‘Misdemeanours and felonies committed by a Minister [= prime minister, ministers, deputy ministers] in the execution of his duties are tried under the present statute by the Special Court of article 86 of the Constitution, even after the Minister has abolished his position’).

  8. 8.

    E. Venizelos, in: Manoledakis/Venizelos, I Poiniki Efthyni ton Ypourgon, Meionektimata tis ischyousas rythmisis – protaseis gia tin tropopoiisi tis, 1993 (Ant. N. Sakkoulas, Athens – Komotini), p. 31 (32); Mantzoufas (note 1), p. 9.

  9. 9.

    Venizelos (note 8), p. 37.

  10. 10.

    A. Charalambakis, I poiniki efthyni ton Ypourgon, Poinika Chronika (PoinChron) 2009, p. 769 (772).

  11. 11.

    Chrysogonos (note 4), p. 456.

  12. 12.

    Venizelos (note 8), p. 37.

  13. 13.

    See also A. Karras, Anamorfosi tou thesmou tis asylias voulefton kai tou nomou peri efthynis ypourgon, PoinChron 1994, p. 577 (578).

  14. 14.

    It concerns ministers as identified in footnote 7.

  15. 15.

    See Art. 64 of the Greek Constitution.

  16. 16.

    See I. Manoledakis, in: Manoledakis/Venizelos, I Poiniki ton Ypourgon, Meionektimata tis ischyousas rythmisis – protaseis gia tin tropopoiisi tis, 1993 (Ant. N. Sakkoulas, Athens – Komotini), p. 11 (17); D. Tsatsos, Syntagmatiko Dikaio, tomos B', Organosi kai leitourgia tis Politeias, 2nd ed. 1993 (Ant. N. Sakkoulas, Athens – Komotini), p. 323; N. K. Androulakis, Gyro apo tin poiniki efthyni ton ypourgon, paragrafi – symmetochoi, 1989 (Ant. N. Sakkoulas, Athens), p. 52; C. Dedes, I efthyni ton ypourgon, Nomiko Vima 1989, p. 1373 (1375); Karras (note 13), p. 581; Chrysogonos (note 1), p. 113; Charalambakis (note 10), pp. 773-774.

  17. 17.

    Androulakis (note 16), pp. 51-52; Loverdos (note 2), p. 97; Mantzoufas (note 1), p. 9; Venizelos (note 8), pp. 38-39, considers this to be another indication of mistrust towards the impartiality of the judiciary.

  18. 18.

    Art. 86(1)(b) of the Greek Constitution. See also footnote 9 of ‘Criminal Liability of Political Decision Makers in Greece’ by Athina Giannakoula in part I of the present edition.

  19. 19.

    See an extensive presentation in N. Soilentakis, Ypourgoi sto eidiko dikastirio (1821-2000), 2005 (Dikaio & Oikonomia P.N. Sakkoulas, Athens), and a brief overview in Loverdos (note 2), pp. 42-44.

  20. 20.

    See comments on the case (decision 9/1990 of the Special Court of Art. 86 of the Greek Constitution, Yperaspisi 1991, p. 129) in I. Manoledakis, Paratiriseis se Apofasi ar. 9/1990, Eidiko dikastirio gia tin poiniki efthyni ton melon tis kyverniseos, Yperaspisi 1991, p. 131; Androulakis (note 16), pp. 18 et seq.; Loverdos (note 2), pp. 114-118; Chrysogonos (note 4), pp. 457-458; I. Anagnostopoulos, Zitimata tis poinikis dioxis Ypourgon kai symmetochon (me aformi tin yp’ arithm. 1/2011 apofasi tou Dikastikou Symvouliou tou arthrou 86 par. 4 tou Syntagmatos), PoinChron 2011, p. 569 (572).

  21. 21.

    See that Prosecutor’s (G. Sanidas) views on the criminal liability of ministers in: Zitimata armodiotitas tis eisagelikis archis, PoinChron 2009, p. 289, (and) Zitimata apo to nomo peri efthynis ypourgon, PoinDik 2000, p. 762.

  22. 22.

    When the prosecutors handling the pre-trial investigation regarding the said scandal came across evidence pointing to unlawful acts of ministers, they asked for the case to be transferred to the Parliament immediately; given the Supreme Court Prosecutor’s denial to do so, based on his view that the ministers had been ‘misled’, the prosecutors handed in the resignations from the force. For this case (see decision 1/2011 of the Council of the Special Court (Art. 86(4) of the Greek Constitution), PoinDik 2011, p. 293), which generated heated reactions even within the judiciary, see I. Manoledakis, Gnomi, PoinDik 2008, p. 1137; Mantzoufas (note 1), p. 10; Chrysogonos (note 1), pp. 1138-1141; Charalambakis (note 10), pp. 772-773. On the same year, the opposition in the Parliament submitted a motion to prosecute three members of the Government over the same scandal, but the proposal did not proceed, because of the unprecedented decision of the ruling party to be absent at the time of the secret voting, which was thus cancelled; see the comments of Chrysogonos (note 1), p. 1137, on how such a decision violated the Constitution.

  23. 23.

    Decision 1/2011 of the Judicial Council of Art. 86(4) of the Greek Constitution, PoinChron 2011, p. 576.

  24. 24.

    Money laundering has always been punishable with severe penalties under Greek law (i.e. under Art. 394A of the Criminal Code, then Art. 2 of statute 2331/1995 and currently Art. 45 of statute 3691/2011): the penalty provided for the basic type of the offence is 5 to 10 years, while the penalty for its aggravated form is as high as 10 to 20 years. Despite the general severity, though, the penalty imposed on the former minister obviously had a symbolic basis as well (as did the entire trial), due to the cases of impunity of the period 2005-2009 and the economic crisis.

  25. 25.

    Anagnostopoulos (note 20), p. 574, wonders why the Parliament decided to indict the minister for the offences of bribery, since those were clearly time-barred; the author considers this pointless initiation of such a serious procedure to have insulted the institutions and to perhaps even meet the requirements of Art. 239(b) of the Greek Criminal Code (knowingly exposing an innocent to prosecution is a form of abuse of power – harshly punished – on behalf of the competent public officials).

  26. 26.

    For these issues see Anagnostopoulos (note 20), pp. 569 et seq.; Margaritis (note 2), pp. 491-495; E. Symeonidou-Kastanidou, Ta oria efarmogis ton eidikon diataxeon gia tin poiniki efthyni ton Ypourgon, PoinDik 2011, p. 496; E. Symeonidou-Kastanidou, I ennoia ton ‘ypourgikon’ adikimaton kata to arthro 86 Synt., in: Mantzoufas/Margaritis/Symeonidou-Kastanidou, I poiniki efthyni ton Ypourgon, Dynatotites kai oria, 2014 (Nomiki Bibliothiki, Athens), p. 19; L. Margaritis, Exaleipsi axiopoinou ypourgikou egklimatos kai nomimopoiisi esodon apo egklimatiki drastiriotita, in: Mantzoufas/Margaritis/Symeonidou-Kastanidou, I poiniki efthyni ton Ypourgon, Dynatotites kai oria, 2014 (Nomiki Bibliothiki, Athens), p. 35; N. Chatzinikolaou, in: Kaiafa-Gbandi (scientific supervision), Oikonomiko egklima & diafthora sto dimosio tomea – tomos 1, 2014 (Dikaio & Oikonomia P.N. Sakkoulas, Athens), p. 745 (746-747).

  27. 27.

    Mantzoufas (note 1), pp. 14-18.

  28. 28.

    See such (conflicting with each other) proposals (basically expressing on the one hand the idea that the parliamentary procedures on criminal liability should be more difficult to initiate than the ones concerning political liability, and on the other hand the (counter)argument that the system has already led to unacceptable impunity) in Venizelos (note 8), p. 36; Karras (note 13), p. 583; Loverdos (note 2), pp. 135-138; Chrysogonos (note 1), p. 1136.

  29. 29.

    I. Manoledakis, Preface, in: Loverdos, I Poiniki Efthyni ton Melon tis Kyvernisis kai ton Yfypourgon sto Koinovouleftiko Politevma, 1995 (Ant. N. Sakkoulas, Athens), p. 17; Report of the Scientific Committee of the Greek Parliament regarding statute 3961/2011 (http://www.hellenicparliament.gr/UserFiles/7b24652e-78eb-4807-9d68-e9a5d4576eff/T-POINIP-EPIS.pdf), p. 3; also, E. Venizelos, Schediasma gia tin anatheorisi tou arthrou 86 tou Syntagmatos 1975/1986 kai ti rythmisi tis poinikis efthynis ton Ypourgon, Yperaspisi 1993, p. 471, considers that the participation (in the Special Court) of a prosecutor coming from the judiciary amounts to a problematic involvement of the judicial authorities in the political controversy.

  30. 30.

    Dedes (note 16), p. 1374. Venizelos (note 29), p. 461, stresses that within the institutional framework of the criminal liability of ministers political elements that refer to the principle of democracy and judicial elements that refer to the rule of law principle co-exist and often collide.

  31. 31.

    Manoledakis (note 20), p. 134.

  32. 32.

    The need to rationalise the legal framework becomes obvious in view of another recent case (see PoinDik 2014, p. 225). More specifically, after the national elections held on May 6th, 2012, and the inability of all the political parties elected in the Parliament to form a government, the President of the Republic announced a new election day, on June 17, 2012. Subsequently, a parliamentary term started on May 17th and ended just two days later, on May 19th, resulting into making any criminal act committed by ‘a Minister in the execution of their duties’ before April 11th, 2012, fall under the special limitation period of statute 3126/2003 (a ‘parliamentary term’ is the time period between two national elections and it is normally divided into four regular sessions; the special limitation period for ministerial offences expires at the end of the second regular session of the parliamentary term following the commission of the offence). However, when the Council of the Special Court was called to decide on the criminal liability of a former minister for acts that took place between 4 October 2009 and 11 April 2012, it argued that the relevant offences were not time-barred, because the critical period should only include parliamentary sessions during which it is objectively possible to initiate the proceedings against a minister.

  33. 33.

    Mantzoufas (note 1), pp. 8-13.

  34. 34.

    M. Kaiafa-Gbandi (scientific supervision), Oikonomiko egklima & diafthora sto dimosio tomea – tomos 1, 2014 (Dikaio & Oikonomia P.N. Sakkoulas, Athens), pp. 432-436; see also the views of Charalambakis (note 10), pp. 776-778.

  35. 35.

    It is presented as more rational to try to achieve the necessary level of guarantees through special provisions in the judicial system than through the absolute powers of the Parliament (which is almost by definition politically motivated – see on this Chrysogonos (note 4), p. 459).

  36. 36.

    See especially Loverdos (note 2), pp. 60-61, 124-126.

  37. 37.

    Loverdos (note 2), pp. 77, 116-120; Mantzoufas (note 1), p. 17.

  38. 38.

    I. Manoledakis, Giati den metecho sti syzitisi, To Vima 10.5.2009 – http://www.tovima.gr/opinions/article/?aid=267462.

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  1. National School of Judges of Greece, Thessaloniki, Greece

    Athina Giannakoula

  2. Law Faculty, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece

    Athina Giannakoula

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  1. Faculty of Law, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Munich, Germany

    Frank Zimmermann

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Giannakoula, A. (2017). Ill-Motivated Criminal Proceedings as a Means in the Political Arena?. In: Zimmermann, F. (eds) Criminal Liability of Political Decision-Makers. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52051-3_19

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