Abstract
This chapter analyses the nature of the Brazilian socio-political protests that sparked in 2013 and are still going on today. The focus on determining the main drivers of the movement, protesters’ demands, new forms of collective action and the resulting political changes allows me to trace an important change in the Brazilian democracy as a whole. These protests are neither a one-shot deal, nor an institutionalized social movement. I argue that they rather represent a demand of protesters for participation in the permanent dialogue between the power and the public on every single issue that troubles at least some groups of the society. In this sense, such protests may indicate a completely novel era in the Brazilian democracy that renders representative democracy obsolete and insufficient, while the demands for participatory democracy are being increasingly voiced. Importantly, this mode of protesting proves rather efficient in terms of real changes in politics it brought.
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Notes
- 1.
Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014. Interview with Victor Krasilschikov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Science.
- 2.
Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014. Interview with Victor Krasilschikov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Science. Interview with Zbignev Ivanovskiy, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014. Interview with Emil Dabagyan, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014.
- 3.
Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014.
- 4.
E.g., only 7% of Brazilians trust people, and 92% think that “Most people can’t be trusted”; these numbers are stable since 1991. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 5.
The percent of people, who declared in 2014 “Active membership of church or religious organization” is 50%,“Active membership of sport or recreation organization”—9%, “Active membership of art, music, educational organization”—7%, “Active membership of labor unions”—8%, “Active membership of political party”—2%, “Active membership of environmental organization”—2%, “Active membership of professional organization”—6%, “Active membership of charitable/humanitarian organization”—10%, “Active membership: Consumer organization”—1%, “Active membership: Self-help group, mutual aid group”—5%, “Active membership of any other organization”—2%. These numbers are stable since 2006. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 6.
Interview with Victor Krasilschikov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Science.
- 7.
National survey in Brazil was conducted in 2006 and 2014. The respondents were asked about their confidence in public institutions. The percentage of those who answered “A great deal” plus “Quite a lot” is presented in 2006 and 2014: Church (77% vs 70%), Armed Forces (69% vs 59%), Labor Unions (45% vs 38%), Government (46% vs 41%), Political Parties (21% vs 16%), and Parliament (25% vs 21%); the Environmental Protection Movement (66% vs 61%), the Women’s Movement (64% vs 61%), the charitable and humanitarian organizations (65% vs 59%), the United Nations (46% vs 37%). Statistical margin of error is 2.6%. Therefore a percentage difference of less than 6% may not be statistically significant. But the general trend of the decrease of public trust in institutions is evident. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 8.
The respondents were asked about their participation in political actions. Below % of those who answered “have done” is presented in 2006 and 2014: signing a petition (56% vs. 44%), signing a petition recently (74% vs. 62%); attending lawful/peaceful demonstrations (18% vs. 16%), attending lawful/peaceful demonstrations recently (63% vs. 76%). Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 9.
The respondents were asked about their Interest in politics. Below % of those who answered “Very interested” plus “Somewhat interested” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 48% vs. 37%. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 10.
The respondents were asked about Government responsibility. Below % of those who answered “10-The government should take more responsibility+9+8” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 44% vs. 52%. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 11.
The respondents were asked about Income inequality. Below % of those who answered “Incomes should be made more equal+2+3” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 29% vs. 39%. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 12.
The respondents were asked about Wealth accumulation. Below % of those who answered “10-Wealth can grow so there’s enough for everyone” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 31% vs. 41%. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 13.
The respondents were asked about Importance of democracy. Below % of those who answered “Absolutely important” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 40% vs. 49%. The respondents were asked about Importance of democracy. Below % of those who answered “Absolutely important” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 40% vs. 49%. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 14.
The respondents were asked about Democracy. Below % of those who shared certain characteristic of democracy as an essential is presented in 2006 and 2014: “People choose their leaders in free elections” (45% vs. 57%), “Governments tax the rich and subsidize the poor” (8% vs. 14%), “People receive state aid for unemployment” (37% vs. 42%), “Civil rights protect people’s liberty against oppression” (28% vs. 44%), “Women have the same rights as men” (54% vs. 62%). Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 15.
13% in 2006 vs. 23% in 2014. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 16.
The respondents were asked about “I see myself as a world citizen”. Below % of those who answered “Strongly Agree” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 27% vs. 37%. The respondents were asked about “I see myself as member of my local community”. Below % of those who answered “Strongly Agree” is presented in 2006 and 2014: 30% vs. 41%. Source: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
- 17.
Interview with Zbignev Ivanovskiy, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014. Interview with Victor Krasilschikov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Science.
- 18.
Ibid.
- 19.
Based on the author’s analysis of about 300 headlines and news about Brazilian protests. Base of news was generated by FACTIVA within the time period June 2013–March 2016.
- 20.
Interview with Zbignev Ivanovskiy, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014. Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014.
- 21.
Interview with Zbignev Ivanovskiy, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014. Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014.
- 22.
Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America of Russian Academy of Science.
- 23.
Decreased from 7.3 in 2010 to 6.8 in 2016.
- 24.
Decreased from 6.25 in 2014 to 3.75 in 2015
- 25.
BTI: from 8.2 in 2010 to 8.05 in 2016. The rating scale for each question ranges from 10 (best) to 1 (worst). Source: http://www.bti-project.org/uploads/tx_itao_download/BTI2003-2014_Scores_02.xls. Economist: from 7.12 in 2010 to 6.96 in 2015. The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index of democracy, on a 0–10 scale. Full democracies—score of 8–10. Flawed democracies—score of 6–7.9. Hybrid regimes—scores of 4–5.9. Authoritarian regimes—scores below 4. Source: http://www.yabiladi.com/img/content/EIU-Democracy-Index-2015.pdf and http://www.sudestada.com.uy/Content/Articles/421a313a-d58f-462e-9b24-2504a37f6b56/Democracy-index-2014.pdf.
- 26.
Freedom of the Press Index is changed from 43 in 2010 to 45 in 2015. Its score differs from (0 = Best, 100 = Worst), (F) Free: 0–30; (PF) Partly Free: 31–60; (NF) Not Free: 61–100. Source: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2015/brazil.
- 27.
Freedom of the Net Index is changed from 30 in 2010 to 29 in 2015. Its score differs from (0 = Best, 100 = Worst), where FREE (0–30 points), PARTLY FREE (31–60 points), or NOT FREE (61–100 points). Source: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/freedom-net-2015.
- 28.
Freedom of the Press: B = Political pressures and controls on media content (including harassment or violence against journalists or facilities, censorship, self-censorship, etc.). Political environment (“B” category): 0–40. It has changed from 18 in 2010 to 21 in 2015.
- 29.
Freedom of the Net Index: VIOLATIONS OF USER RIGHTS Sub-Index: (0 = Best, 40 = Worst). It has changed from 13 in 2010 to 16 in 2015.
- 30.
Interview with Victor Krasilschikov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations of Russian Academy of Science. Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America of Russian Academy of Science.
- 31.
Interview with Victor Krasilschikov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Science.
- 32.
Interviews with experts also prove that protests are not only new phenomena, but are also newly emerging political actors.
- 33.
Interview with Boris Martynov, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014. Interview with Victor Krasilschikov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Science. Interview with Zbignev Ivanovskiy, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Science, March 2014.
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Zaytsev, D. (2017). Brazilian Protests: Actors and Demands for Political Changes. In: Arbatli, E., Rosenberg, D. (eds) Non-Western Social Movements and Participatory Democracy. Societies and Political Orders in Transition. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51454-3_4
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