Abstract
Citizenship is not a part of classical Confucian political thought. The philosophers of the classical period conceived of a division between rulers and ruled. The rulers acted, the ruled were acted upon. They felt that most people did not have the knowledge necessary to participate in government effectively and instead hoped for sagely rulers and wise ministers who would care for the people’s interests. However, most modern Confucian political thinkers are democratic to at least some degree, which calls for re-thinking the absence of the role of citizen in Confucian thought. In this chapter, I argue that this absence needs to be rectified, and even democratic Confucian thinkers cannot accept liberal accounts of citizenship which either separate civic and private virtue, or conceive of civic virtues as structural rather than substantive. Based on the thought of twentieth century New Confucians, I develop an account of citizenship and civic virtue centered around the virtues that are considered part of human nature. In the process, I consider challenges regarding value pluralism and excessive government involvement in individual morality.
Notes
- 1.
Confucianism was largely suppressed in mainland China from the 1949 revolution until the 1980s. Confucian philosophers who remained in China were prohibited from publishing works on Confucian thought and pressured to support Marxism publicly. Confucian thought continued to develop outside China.
- 2.
- 3.
In my view, Kymlicka focuses on language as a criterion for shared identity too exclusively: most Canadians and Americans share a native language but there is no move to merge politically.
- 4.
Mou was talking about political equality specifically, arguing that equality of basic human nature is worthy of a certain kind of respect. Certain kinds of social hierarchy (based on age or moral achievement, for example) require an extra level of respect, but this is personal respect, not something to be recognized with distinct political status.
- 5.
What he was wanted to argue is that some kind of public role and opportunity for social recognition is important, but that historically in China the fact that the only opportunity for that was serving in government led to Confucians compromising their values in order to have that opportunity. Politics should be one option, but not the only one. See Elstein 2014, 75–75 for additional discussion of this point in Xu’s thought.
- 6.
For a challenge to this claim, see Pogge 1992, n. 39.
- 7.
See El Amine 2015, 9–15 for a slightly different take on this question.
- 8.
For example, the Song dynasty Neo-Confucian Cheng Hao said, “Righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and faithfulness all are manifestations of benevolence” (H. Cheng 2014, 140).
- 9.
Exactly how extension works is left vague and it may well be that Confucians were historically too optimistic that familial virtue would transfer to other situations readily.
- 10.
For purposes of this essay, I will use “breadth” to mean the set of potential objects of benevolence and “scope” to refer to how comprehensive an agent’s benevolence is with regard to one particular class of objects.
- 11.
This is reflected in occasional comments about how friends should hold each other to a higher moral standard (Analects 12.23, 12.24). Mou Zongsan as well notes that friends can be more demanding of each other than is appropriate for a government to be toward its citizens.
- 12.
I have in mind something analogous to public reason as Rawls uses the term, but given the Confucian emphasis on ritual and developing affects rather than strict rationality, “reason” may not be the most appropriate term. For one example of this (which I do not entirely endorse), see Kim 2014, chap. 5.
- 13.
Which is not to say there are hard and fast rules for making these decisions. In my view, the best interpretation is that it is a matter of what Mengzi called “weighing” (quan 權); that is, deciding based on the particulars of the situation.
- 14.
Additional discussion of the relation between right and profit is in (Elstein and Tian 2017).
- 15.
I develop this point further in work in progress.
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Elstein, D. (2017). Confucian Citizenship of Shared Virtue. In: Thunder, D. (eds) The Ethics of Citizenship in the 21st Century. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50415-5_7
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