Abstract
Dutch and Danes were identified as belonging to “homogeneous” nations in the 1950s–60s despite also acknowledging centuries of immigration, religious tolerance, and cultural diversity. Immigrants in the 1960s–70s arrived to contradictory logic about national identity.
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Notes
- 1.
The term “person of color” is not commonly used in the Netherlands or Denmark, and the term “colored” is generally not considered outdated or intentionally offensive, although in both countries the term “neger” (Negro) is seen as a problematic remnant of the twentieth century. “Colored,” as in gekleurde (Dutch) or farvede (Danish), is commonly used in mainstream newspapers, e.g (in Dutch) Margriet Oostveen, “Hebben kinderboeken meer gekleurde rolmodellen nodig?” [“Do Children’s Books Need More Colored Role Models?”], Volkskrant (7 October 2015); or (in Danish), “Dansk filminstitut: Hvor er de farvede skuespillere?” [“Danish Film Institute: Where are all the Colored Actors?”], Politiken (10 February 2013). Thus, these article titles could also be translated into English as “role models of color” or “actors of color.”
In the U.S., mainstream media would only use “colored” in relation to historic material or the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). The English-language differentiation between “people of color” and “colored people” gets lost in translation to Dutch or Danish, the latter of which avoids the periphrastic (e.g. “history of immigration” becomes “immigration’s-history,” immigrationshistorie). In Dutch, there is a separate word for South African Colored, kleurling, which has apartheid connotations. There is more discussion of self-identifying language in chapters 6 and 7.
The Netherlands often uses the (much criticized) dichotomy autochtoon [native] and allochtoon [non-native] in political, journalistic, and popular language, while Danish statistics might use the clumsy “person with at least one parent of non-Western origin.” Both countries also use “foreigners,” “immigrants” or people with “non-Western” backgrounds, sometimes to discuss children and grandchildren of immigrants, as euphemisms for people of color, racial minorities, or “visible” minorities.
In this chapter expecially, I use the term “visible” minority, drawing from its common use in Canadian literature on ethnicity. The term foregrounds the ethnic and racial differences central to various minorities’ lived experiences, even when cultural or class differences are small (i.e. for third-generation “immigrants” of color). The Canadian term “visible minority,” similar to the term “[person] of color,” can be an umbrella term for “non-white” people, often living in countries with a white-majority ruling class. As this chapter is historic, the term “visible” also considers some groups that stood out from the majority population due to cultural differences or religious customs, often in tandem with social inequalities. The term “visible minority” is not common in the Netherlands or Denmark. For more on the use of “visible minority” in the Danish context, see Rikke Andreassen, The Mass Media’s Construction of Gender, Race, Sexuality and Nationality. An Analysis of the Danish News Media’s Communication About Visible Minorities from 1971–2004 (PhD dissertation, Toronto, Department of History, University of Toronto, 2005), 9, 17–18.
- 2.
Leo Lucassen, “To Amsterdam: Migrations Past and Present,” in New York and Amsterdam: Immigration and the New Urban Landscape, ed. Nancy Foner, Jan Rath, and Jan Willem Duyvendak (New York: New York University Press, 2014), 66.
- 3.
Gloria Wekker, White Innocence. Paradoxes of Colonialism and Race (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016), 2–7.
- 4.
Philomena Essed and Isabel Hoving (eds.), Dutch Racism (Amsterdam: Rodopi B.V., 2014), 22–24.
- 5.
Randi Marselis, “Descendants of Slaves: The Articulation of Mixed Racial Ancestry in a Danish Television Documentary Series,” European Journal of Cultural Studies 11:4 (2008): 448, 450.
- 6.
Denmark was the seventh-largest slave trader, with the U.S. in sixth place. Andreassen and Blaagaard contend that Danes have less collective guilt than other European countries with regard to the legacies of slavery and colonialism partly because Denmark—unlike England, France, the Netherlands—did not have a strong history of migration from the colonies to Europe. Bolette Blaagaard and Rikke Andreassen, “The Disappearing Act: The Forgotten History of Colonialism, Eugenics and Gendered Othering in Denmark,” in Teaching “Race” with a Gendered Edge, ed. Brigitte Hipfl and Kristín Loftsdóttir (Utrecht: ATGENDER, 2012), 81–96.
Aside from the Danish Virgin Islands, there was also the Danish Gold Coast in Africa, and a settlement in India, Tranquebar, which was sold in 1845 to the British. The Danish “Asiatic Company,” active since the 1600s, is the reason that Danish cuisine includes curry and cardamom, and that the iconic Royal Copenhagen porcelain is so similar to China porcelain. Danish territories in West Africa (e.g. the Danish Gold Coast) were sold in 1850 to the British; a 2015 Danish blockbuster, “Gold Coast” raised more awareness about this territory and history, but scholars criticized it for providing a white hero’s perspective; see Mathias Danbolt and Lene Myong, “Guldkysten og den historiske og politiske ‘korrekthed’” [“The Gold Coast, and Historical and Political ‘Correctness’”], peculiar.dk (27 July 2015).
- 7.
Wekker (n 3), 12–14; and Markus Balkenhol, “Silence and the Politics of Compassion. Commemorating Slavery in the Netherlands,” Social Anthropology 24:3 (2016): 278–293. The Afro-European women’s organization Sophiedela initiated momentum for the monument.
- 8.
Blaagaard and Andreassen (n 6); and Marselis (n 5). Marselis also notes that some Danish materials about the slave trade borrow from Dutch educational materials, such as the film Slavernij [Slavery], dir. Frank Zichem (Teleac/NOT, 2003).
- 9.
Cited in J. M. M. van Amersfoort, Immigration and the Formation of Minority Groups: The Dutch Experience, 1945–1975 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 197.
- 10.
Frank Bovenkerk, “The Netherlands,” in International Labor Migration in Europe, ed. Ronald E. Krane (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1979), 118.
- 11.
Immigration researcher Rinus Penninx argued against this statement in his 1979 report to the government on ethnic minorities; as he wrote, “Until now, policy on the admission of foreigners had been strongly influenced by the consideration that the Netherlands cannot and must not become a country of immigration.” Rinus Penninx, Ethnic Minorities (Den Haag: Staatsuitgeverij, Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid, 1979), XXXII and 54.
- 12.
For famous studies about the making of nationhood in heterogeneous Great Britain and France, see: Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); David A. Bell, The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism 1680–1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001).
- 13.
“Language,” in the online exhibit of the Immigrant Museum in Farum (Denmark), last accessed October 2016 via immigrantmuseet.dk
- 14.
In contrast to France, where the public sphere is supposedly secular (i.e. laïcité), the Dutch public sphere during this period was pluralistic: different ideologies had a right to practice their religion/culture both individually and collectively. Peter Van Rooden, “Longterm Religious Developments in the Netherlands, 1750–2000,” in The Decline of Christendom in Western Europe, 1750–2000, ed. Hugh McLeod and Werner Ustorf (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
- 15.
Trade related in part to the growth in overseas imperialism; the first stock exchange in the world (1609) led the world’s financial institutions; and the country was “tolerant” with regard to religion and press; all of this was attractive to foreigners. For more on the economic and intellectual environment, see Jan De Vries, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the Household Economy, 1650-the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Jonathan Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650–1750 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).
- 16.
Museum of Copenhagen, “Becoming a Copenhagener,” last accessed March 2015 via copenhagen.dk/
- 17.
Poul Chr. Matthiessen, Immigration to Denmark: An Overview of the Research Carried Out from 1999 to 2006 by the Rockwool Foundation Research Unit (Odense: University Press of Southern Denmark, 2009),10–11.
- 18.
See for example, “Immigrantmuseet: Indvandrings Kulturhistorie” [“The Immigrant Museum: Immigration’s Cultural History”], part of the Furesø Museums, Farum, Denmark. Visited in October 2013; more information also available through immigrantmuseet.dk/ [.] Special thanks to curator Susanne Krogh Jensen for access to additional materials not exhibited at the museum.
- 19.
Although the majority of the deported were Swedish (or German), there were also a few “visible minorities.” A quick look at the police records, including photographed portraits, of the expelled—made available through the Genealogical Publishing House in Denmark—shows one of the expelled was Simon Sheffield, an African-American born in the U.S. in 1856. In the 1930s, the law disproportionately affected Jewish, Roma, and Sinti immigrants from Europe. See: the Immigrant Museum in Farum; and the database of the Genealogical Publishing House, http://genealogisk-forlag.dk/
- 20.
By 1914, there were 14,000 Poles working in sugar beet fields. The laws required employers to prepare contracts (i.e. pay, work hours, Catholic and Protestant holidays, travel reimbursement, food, housing) that were to be shared with state authorities. Via the Immigrant Museum in Farum.
- 21.
“Becoming a Copenhagener,” The Museum of Copenhagen.
- 22.
Lucassen (n 2), 62.
- 23.
Lucassen (n 2), 57–58.
- 24.
See e.g. Carole Fink, Defending the Rights of Others: The Great Powers, the Jews, and International Minority Protection, 1878–1938 (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Jakob Feldt, Transnationalism and the Jews: Culture, History, and Prophecy (London: Rowman and Littlefield, 2016).
- 25.
Spinoza’s grandfather fled the Iberian Peninsula and reconverted to Judaism in Rotterdam in 1615, when the government passed an ordinance allowing the first synagogue. Spinoza attended a Jewish school before renouncing his faith and being excommunicated from the Jewish community, which was highly uncommon. On the unique intellectual climate of the Netherlands at this time, and on Spinoza’s radical atheism, see: Israel (n 15).
- 26.
Lucassen (n 2), 58. See also Robert Cohen, “Passage to a New World: The Sephardi Poor of Eighteenth-Century Amsterdam,” in Neveh Ya’kov Jubilee Volume Presented to Dr. Jaap Meijer, ed. Lea Dasberg and Jonathan N. Cohen (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1982); and Katrina Sonnenberg-Stern, Emancipation and Poverty: The Ashkenazi Jews of Amsterdam, 1796–1850 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000).
- 27.
In Denmark, the king first allowed Jewish religious ceremonies in 1684; by 1833, there were approximately 1,600 Jews in Denmark; via Det Mosaiske Troessamfund, “Et jødisk samfund bliver til” [“A Jewish Community Comes to Be”], last accessed March 2015 via mosaiske.dk
- 28.
Kaspar Monrad, “Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, the Nathanson Family, 1818,” last accessed October 2016 via the National Gallery’s smk.dk/
- 29.
Lucassen (n 2), 63.
- 30.
Due to an agreement with the Nazis, Denmark was not required to persecute its Jewish population (e.g. wearing stars, deporting to camps) during the early 1940s. When rumor spread that the tolerant policy would change in 1943, an effort was made to transport Danish Jews to Sweden (via numerous fishing boats). Approximately 500 Jews were deported to Theresienstadt, but in the final months of the war, the Danish government saved most of them. By the end of the war, “only” 50–60 Danish Jews were killed. Via the Danish-Jewish Museum.
- 31.
“Home: A special exhibit,” The Danish Jewish Museum (Spring 2015). While it is true that some of the Danish survivors returned to homes that were untouched or cared for by neighbors, more than half returned to Denmark homeless.
- 32.
Leo Lucassen, Wim Willems and Annemarie Cottaar, Gypsies and Other Itinerant Groups. A Socio-Historical Approach (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998); Hubertus Johannes Martinus Van Baar, The European Roma: Minority Representation, Memory, and the Limits of Transnational Governmentality (Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 2011).
- 33.
Translation via the Immigrant Museum in Farum.
- 34.
See “Familien Demeter” and “Familien Tajkon” via the Immigrant Museum in Farum (online). In 1906, the king personally met a Romani family (Tjulga Tajkon, his wife, and 17-year-old daughter Marietta) in Elsinore, and organized residence permits for them and the fifty other Romani with whom they traveled. However, when the king died in 1912, these Romani were expelled, with the exception of Marietta, who had married a Danish citizen, and was probably the only legal resident of Roma descent in Denmark from 1912 through to 1953.
- 35.
The Dutch Auschwitz Committee identified her as Settela (Anna Maria) Steinbach (1934–1944), of Roma or Sinti origin. Via “Sinti and Roma,” last accessed September 2015 via http://www.auschwitz.nl/
- 36.
A handful of “elite” non-Europeans fraternized with the Dutch upper-classes in the nineteenth century, such as (Javanese elite) Raden Syarif Bustaman Saleh, whose portrait is displayed at the Rijksmuseum. According to the Rijksmuseum, Saleh moved to the Netherlands to study painting in 1829, and lived there through 1851.
- 37.
Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley, CA: University of California, 2010); and Ann Laura Stoler, “Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Gender, Race, and Morality in Colonial Asia,” in Feminism and History, ed. Joan Scott (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 209–266. On situational homosexuality, see Stoler, “Carnal Knowledge,” ibid , 217–218.
- 38.
Stoler, “Carnal Knowledge,” (n 37) 220, 240–241.
- 39.
Stoler, “Carnal Knowledge,” (n 37) 223–224.
- 40.
Estimates from 1942. In the event of a mixed relationship, the child could take European nationality only if the European parent (often the father) acknowledged the child; if the European parent did not acknowledge the child, the child would be given “inlander” nationality, which sixty million people had. A third category included the “foreign Orientals,” who were 1.2 million Chinese and 71,000 Arabs. “Europeans” also included U.S. Americans, and after 1896, Japanese. Esther Captain, “Harmless Identities: Representations of Racial Consciousness Among Three Generations Indo-Europeans” in Dutch Racism (n 4), 53–71.
- 41.
Guno Jones, “Biology, Culture, ‘Postcolonial Citizenship’ and the Dutch Nation, 1945–2007,” in Dutch Racism (n 4), 321.
- 42.
van Amersfoort (n 9), 85.
- 43.
“Creoles” refers to the descendants of those brought to work on plantations as slaves prior to the abolition of the slave trade in 1808. About 350,000–400,000 men and women ended up in Suriname as slaves, but many died of malnourishment and overworking. When slavery was abolished in 1863, there were only 50,000 slaves to gain freedom. Unlike in North America, Surinamese slaves had more agency to practice their language and culture; on that point, see Gloria Wekker, “Mati-ism and Black Lesbianism: Two Idealtypical Expressions of Female Homosexuality in Black Communities of the Diaspora (1996),” in Our Caribbean: a Gathering of Lesbian and Gay Writing from the Antilles, ed. Thomas Glave (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), 369–371. Also published in Esther D. Rothblum (ed.), Classics in Lesbian Studies (New York: Harrington Park, 1997).
- 44.
Following the abolition of slavery, there were labor gaps in Caribbean plantation societies, and Europeans began recruiting indentured laborers from Northern (British) India, mostly from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar en Bengalen. Among them, 17% were Muslim (which was slightly higher than the percentage in the regions), and the rest were Hindu. Anke Welten, “Misleide migranten” [“Misguided Migrants”], Historisch Nieuwsblad (online) 9 (2010); Rosemarijn Hoefte, In Place of Slavery: A Social History of British Indian and Javanese Laborers in Suriname (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1998).
- 45.
All percentages from van Amersfoort (n 9), 145.
- 46.
van Amersfoort (n 9), 138.
- 47.
See: Slavernes Slægt [“The Descendents of Slaves”], dir. Alex Frank Larsen (DR2, 2005). In 2005, a Danish documentary filmmaker—inspired in part by Dutch efforts to discuss slavery and colonialism in schools—did a genealogical project to inform (white) Danes about their unknown black ancestors.
- 48.
Rikke Andreassen, Human Exhibitions: Race, Gender and Sexuality in Ethnic Displays (Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate Limited, 2015), 12–15.
- 49.
Victor Cornelins, Fra St. Croix til Nakskov (Frimodts forlag, 1976); also The Museum of Copenhagen, “Becoming a Copenhagener.”
- 50.
Andreassen (n 48).
- 51.
Nella Larsen, Passing (New York: Penguin Books, 1997; originally 1929).
- 52.
Nella Larsen, Quicksand (Mineola, New York: Dover Publications, 2006; originally 1928), 72–74, 67. Larsen’s observations show that there were few visible minorities on the streets; her fictionalized protagonist felt all eyes on her, fingers pointing, and whispers of “sorte” (black) (67); but after a few months, she began to “expect and accept admiration as her due” (91).
- 53.
Lucassen (n 2), 64–65: they “added an extra exotic flavor to the reputation of the capital [Amsterdam] as a cosmopolitan center.”
- 54.
Cited in Andreassen (n 48), 159. By 1905, there was a Chinese tea room on Østergade in Copenhagen, and the first Chinese restaurant opened on Farvegade in 1948; Museum of Copenhagen, “Becoming a Copenhagener.”
- 55.
Lucassen also questioned the “common belief in a relatively ethnically homogenous city before the postwar waves” and wondered why “the idea took root that the Dutch belonged to an ethnically homogenous nation in which migration had made only few inroads”; Lucassen (n 2), 66 and 77. Marselis has also sought to “challenge…the supposed historical homogeneity of Nordic nation-states” and to dispute the myth that “the Danish population…[was] homogeneous until the arrival of the ‘guestworkers’ in the 1960s”; Marselis (n 5), 448 and 450.
- 56.
At various stages in the 1950s–80s, Greenland (population c. 57,000 in 2014) became more independent from Denmark (e.g. rejecting economic treaties, renaming the capital, creating a flag, promoting the language Kallaaliit). But Danish statistics never considered Greenlanders as foreigners in Denmark. Estimate via Andreassen (n 1), 19–20. It is also difficult to ascertain data on Faroese immigrants, though most are “white” and speak the Scandinavian language, Faroese.
- 57.
Wim Willems, “No Sheltering Sky: Migrant Identities of Dutch Nationals from Indonesia,” in Europe’s Invisible Migrants, ed. Andrea Smith (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2003), 33–59; and Andrea L. Smith, “Introduction: Europe’s Invisible Migrants,” in Europe’s Invisible Migrants. Figures from Smith, ibid , 32. Smith is hesitant to accept the term “repatriates” as these terms ignore the fact that many of the families were not “returning” to Europe. Stoler wrote about authorities’ anxieties that Dutch children who grew up in Indonesia with “native” nannies were “too well versed in native customs” (e.g. children’s songs, games); see Stoler, Carnal Knowledge (n 37). In France, many were dismayed that the French “retournées” from Algeria did not even read Le Monde(!); Pierre Nora, cited in Todd Shepard, The Invention of Decolonization: The Algerian War and the Remaking of France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 196–197.
- 58.
van Amersfoort (n 9), 78–80; Jones (n 41), 325.
- 59.
Smith (n 57), 32. In the 1950s–70s, almost one-third of the population of Suriname moved to the Netherlands, almost all of whom were “non-European.” The majority of Surinamese moved to Amsterdam (30%), Rotterdam (15%), and The Hague (15%); van Amersfoort (n 9).
- 60.
The Javanese were of course angered by the Moluccan allegiance to the Dutch colonials; about 13,000 soldiers and some of their family members migrated to the Netherlands, where their unemployment or retirement salaries paid for their segregated encampments. Of the Moluccans, 90% were ethnically Ambonese and Christian. The initial migrants hoped for a temporary stay, and that they could return to form the independent Republik Maluku Selatan. Thus in the 1950s, both Moluccan and Dutch leaders agreed that assimilation policies were not necessary: the Moluccans could live in housing projects with no integration programs and no participation with Dutch society. By 1973, most had moved from camps to residential neighborhoods. Second-generation Moluccans participated in Dutch society to a higher extent, and most spoke better Dutch than Malay. In 1975 and again in 1977—when they were given Dutch citizenship—groups of young Moluccans hijacked trains, killing several in both incidents, with the purpose of calling for an independent Moluccan state. See chapter in van Amersfoort (n 9); and Jones (n 41), 323. See also section entitled “Clarence” in Chapter 8.
Separately: in the 1960s during the transition from Sukarno to Suharto, there were also some Indonesian refugees who fled to the Netherlands (where they had extended social networks) amidst widespread massacres. See e.g. The Act of Killing, dir. Joshua Oppenheimer (Det Danske Filminstitut, 2013).
- 61.
W. S. Shadid, Moroccan Workers in the Netherlands (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Leiden, 1979), 164–165.
- 62.
See e.g. Sabina Bellofatto, “The acceptance and diffusion of Italian cuisine in the face of the xenophobic violence against Italian immigrants in post-war Switzerland.” The Second ISA Forum of Sociology (August 1–4, 2012) (Isaconf, 2012).
- 63.
Jonathan Matthew Schwartz, Reluctant Hosts: Denmark’s Reception of Guest Workers (Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1985). This book includes fascinating ethnographic work with Yugoslav communities—including “gypsy” Yugoslavs—in Denmark, and in a Yugoslavian labor-sending town (Lake Prespa), see 91–130.
- 64.
There were few (if any) cases of working women importing a husband through family reunification in the 1970s. Of the solo working women referenced in Chapter 6 of this book, one had a husband in Turkey but did not mention family reunification, and another had no trouble finding a husband from her country of origin in Europe.
- 65.
On the legal definition of “second generation immigrants” from 1991, see: Matthiessen (n 17) 11–13: “People born in Denmark of parents neither of whom (or in cases where only one parent is known, that parent) is a Danish citizen born in Denmark.”
- 66.
Matthiessen (n 17), 203–206. See also “Denmark and Refugees after the Second World War,” a multimedia exhibit at The Danish Jewish Museum (Spring 2015).
- 67.
This theme is explored more closely in chapters 3 and 5, and included “guest workers” from Turkey, Morocco, Spain, and Greece, among others who would not, or could not, return to their countries of origin.
- 68.
A new book shows that thousands of half-black children were illegally adopted in Denmark: Amalie Linde, Mathilde Hørmand-Pallesen, and Amalie Kønigsfeldt, Børneimporten: Et Mørkt Kapitel I Fortællingen Om Udenlandsk Adoption [“The Import of Children: A Dark Chapter in the Story of Foreign Adoptions”] (Copenhagen: Kristeligt Dagblad, 2013).
- 69.
Lene Myong, “Bliv dansk, bliv inkluderet: transnational adoption i et in- og eksklusionsperspektiv” [“Be Danish, be Included: Transnational Adoption in an in- and Exclusion Perspective”], Paedagogisk Psykologisk Tidsskrift 48:3 (2011): 268–276.
- 70.
As a banker, see the Turkish pages of the first issues of Fremmedarbejderbladet [“The Foreign Worker Journal”] in 1971. On poetry: Murat Alpar, Gæstearbejderen Memet [“The Guest Worker Memet”] (Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1978); Murat Alpar, Memet (Copenhagen: Augustinus, 1980).
- 71.
In the 1950s especially, jazz music became popular in Copenhagen, such as at the famous venue Montmartre; dozens of musicians chose to settle in Copenhagen in the 1960s–80s, and several are buried in prominent cemeteries in Copenhagen. Although the city had welcomed American jazz musicians before World War II (e.g. Louis Armstrong in 1933), most just visited the city briefly. The bassist Oscar Pettiford was one of the first to settle; he arrived in 1958, and died two years later in Copenhagen. Ben Webster moved first to Amsterdam in 1964, and then to Copenhagen in 1969; he was in several films (as himself, a saxophonist), including Big Ben (Netherlands, 1967) and Quiet Days in Clichy (Denmark, 1970). Dexter Gordon lived in Paris and Copenhagen from around 1960 to around 1975, and was featured in several Danish films in the 1960s; he has two children who live in Denmark today. Richard Bently Boone arrived in 1970, and stayed until his death in 1999 (and is buried in Assistens Kirkegård). Thad Jones surprised his New York friends when he moved to Copenhagen in the 1980s to work with the Danish Radio Big Band; he married a Danish woman, had a son, and died in 1986 (and is buried in Vestre Kirkegård). Sahib Shihab, who performed in the Eurovision Song Contest for Sweden in 1966, also married a Danish woman. Other names include Stuff Smith, Horace Parlan, Duke Jordan, and Ed Thigpen. See: Leonard Feather and Ira Gitler, The Biographical Encyclopedia of Jazz (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
- 72.
Wim Willems, “Why Governments Do Not Learn: Colonial Migrants and Gypsy Refugees in the NL,” in European Encounters: Migrants, Migration and European Societies Since 1945, eds. Ohliger Rainer, Karen Schönwälder, and Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos (Aldershot, Hants, UK: Ashgate, 2003).
- 73.
See Chapter 4 in this book.
- 74.
On female workers and wives of foreign workers, see Chapter 6. Gretty Mirdal summarized regarding the Turkish female population in Denmark, “The available sociological and anthropological literature on Turkish women in Germany (Kudat, 1975, …) and Sweden (…) is difficult to apply to the case of Turkish immigrants in Denmark for the following reasons: 1) Whereas Germany received a considerable amount of single or autonomous travelling women as guest workers, this type of migration is unknown in Denmark, where virtually all Turkish women are the wives and/or daughters of migrant male workers…”; Gretty Mirdal, “Stress and Distress in Migration: Problems and Resources of Turkish Women in Denmark,” International Migration Review 18:4 Special Issue: Women in Migration (Winter 1984): 984–985.
- 75.
In the Netherlands, over 60% of foreign workers in the late 1970s lived in North or South Holland (e.g. Amsterdam, Rotterdam, the Hague, and the surrounding suburbs), but about 12% lived in Noord-Brabant (e.g. Eindhoven, Tilburg, Breda, and the surrounding suburbs), 8% in Gelderland (e.g. Nijmegen and surrounding areas), 7% in Utrecht, and the remaining 12% throughout the rest of the country; via Shadid (n 63), 19.
- 76.
In Amsterdam, foreign workers often lived in old districts close to Centrum (e.g. De Baarsjes, De Pijp) in the late 1960s and 1970s. However beginning in the 1980s—especially with the arrival of wives and children—more of these families moved to the western suburbs of Amsterdam (e.g. Westelijke Tuinsteden, Slotervaart), which were built in the 1950s–60s to provide cheap and spacious housing (with ample green spaces) for young middle-class (Dutch) families; the introduction of immigrants from Muslim-majority countries in the 1980s promoted a “white flight” to outer areas. By the 2000s, many of these areas (e.g. Overtoomse Veld) are a majority “non-Western”; via Open Society Foundation, Muslims in Amsterdam (New York, NY: Open Society Foundations 2010), footnotes 31/32.
- 77.
There are many parallel examples in Rotterdam, for example in the lower-income neighborhood of Afrikaanderwijk; via Open Society Foundation, Muslims in Rotterdam (New York, NY: Open Society Foundations 2010), 38–39. There was extensive media coverage of riots against Turkish immigrants in 1972.
- 78.
In Copenhagen in the 1970s, many immigrants moved to the Nørrebro neighborhood after developments in social housing. The area was also known—from the 1980s through to the early 2000s—as a Danish “squatter” neighborhood; Open Society Foundation, Muslims in Copenhagen (New York, NY: Open Society Foundations 2011). On the growth of Ishøj as an immigrant suburb of Copenhagen, see Heidi Vad Jønsson, “Immigrant Policy Developing in Copenhagen and Ishøj in the 1970s,” Scandinavian Journal of History 38:5 (2013) or Chapter 4 in this book.
- 79.
Already in the early 1980s, Moroccans in the Netherlands were referred to as a “problem” group due to a supposed lack of assimilation, poor education, and little familiarity with Dutch language and culture; van Amersfoort (n 9), 196. See van Amersfoort’s discussion of repatriation, remittances, the Moroccan economy and the works of his contemporaries on labor migration.
- 80.
Open Society Foundation, Muslims in Amsterdam (n 76); Open Society Foundation, Muslims in Copenhagen (n 78); Open Society Foundation, Muslims in Rotterdam (77).
- 81.
Interview (October 2014).
- 82.
Ahmet Akgündüz, Labour Migration from Turkey to Western Europe: 1960–1974: A Multidisciplinary Analysis (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), 45.
- 83.
Essed and Hoving (n 4), 12.
- 84.
OSI, Muslims in Copenhagen (n 78), 200.
- 85.
See e.g. “Binnenkort stichting voor huisvesting van ‘migranten’” [“Soon a Foundation for the Housing of ‘Migrants’”], Het Vrije Volk (15 January 1970); this article mentioned both foreign workers and Surinamese/Antilleans.
- 86.
See e.g. “Rassenprobleem op komst; Wie doet er wat aan?” [“Race Problem on Arrival: Who is Doing What?”] De Telegraaf (4 September 1971), 7; this article focused on racism and cultural differences between immigrants and the (presumed white) Dutch, but only discusses Surinamese/Antilleans, not those “guest workers” from Muslim-majority countries.
- 87.
Mosques were, however, deprioritized in the 1980s, as “the process of secularization and depillarization was in full swing”; Marlou Schrover, “Pillarization, Multiculturalism and Cultural Freezing: Dutch Migration History and the Enforcement of Essentialist Ideas,” BMGN: Low Countries Historical Review 125 (2–3 January 2010).
- 88.
“Ideas derived from pillarization made multicultural policies acceptable to the Dutch public, but the initial idea behind multiculturalism was not emancipation via segregation, but to facilitate an easy return of guest workers to their countries of origin.… Authorities felt that there was no need to encourage or facilitate integration”; this is Schrover’s summary of an argument in R. Rijkschroeff, J.W. Duyvendak and T. Pels, Bronnenonderzoek integratiebeleid [“Source Research (on) Integration Policy”] (Utrecht: Verwey–Jonker Instituut, 2003); cited in Marlou Schrover, “Multiculturalism, Dependent Residence Status and Honour Killings: Explaining Current Dutch Intolerance Towards Ethnic Minorities from a Gender Perspective (1960–2000),” in Gender, Migration and Categorisation: Making Distinctions Between Migrants in Western Countries, 1945–2010, eds. Marlou Schrover and Deirdre M. Moloney (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2013), 234–235. Also, “When the first non-western minorities and workers arrived in the Netherlands in the 1960s and 1970s, the government tried to integrate them into this system, with islam as a new pillar”; via Open Society Foundation, Muslims in Amsterdam (n 76), 36. See also the joint works of Jan Willem Duyvendak and Peter Scholten, for example “Deconstructing the Dutch Multicultural Model: A Frame Perspective on Dutch Immigrant Integration Policymaking,” Comparative European Politics 10:3 (2012): 266–282.
- 89.
Minority Note of 1983, cited in Halleh Ghorashi, “Racism and ‘the Ungrateful Other’ in the Netherlands,” in Dutch Racism (n 4), 104–105.
- 90.
Akgündüz (n 82), 47–48; see “Chapter 2: Causes of Migration Pressure.”
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Shield, A.D.J. (2017). “There were no colored people in the classrooms”: The Disavowal of Heterogeneity. In: Immigrants in the Sexual Revolution. Genders and Sexualities in History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49613-9_2
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