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The Emergence of Sociopolitical Complexity: Evidence from Contact-Era New Guinea

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Part of the book series: Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation ((STHE,volume 8))

Abstract

Leadership forms in New Guinea spanned a political spectrum from egalitarian forager bands through trans-egalitarian cultivators to petty chiefdom fisher-foragers. Drawing comparative data from 92 of these communities, this chapter finds that emergent political complexity in small-scale societies is primarily driven by male status competition. Although the forms this competition took varied, the most important were warfare and material display (the conspicuous distribution of material goods). Warfare was by far the more common and highly valued source of male status , a function of the chronic military threat to which New Guineans were exposed. At population densities above about 20–25 people/km2, however, material display––the political hallmark of the classic Big-man ––became increasingly prevalent and important as an avenue to status , a function of the unusual relationship between status and power in these societies. Material displays were a means of demonstrating in concrete form individual and collective power . and in competing to outdo one another’s material displays, Big-men and their groups were competing for status by demonstrating their power . This circumstance explains why the emergence of material display as a channel of status competition depended on rising population density. In small-scale communities, the ability to amass power depends heavily on density. At low densities, this ability is constrained, limiting the importance of material distribution as a mode of status competition. As densities rise, however, these constraints erode until, at a threshold of around 50–55 people/km2, power –– manifest in material displays––becomes the main channel of status competition.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As I have noted elsewhere (Roscoe 2000a), ascribed leadership was far more common in New Guinea than Sahlins’s (1963) distinction between Melanesian big-men and Polynesian chiefs would suggest. In a few communities, such as the Koriki (Maher 1967) and War open (Held 1957) ascription even appears to have prevailed over achieved leadership . In this paper, though, I focus on those societies, the majority, where achieved leadership was the dominant mode.

  2. 2.

    In a couple of cases––communities where more than one ethnographer conducted fieldwork––I found explicit ethnographic statements about status and power to be at variance (e.g., Görlich 1998: 152, cf Jackson 1975: 200. I interpreted these cases as indicating that the pursuit or qualification in question is marginal to status or influence.

  3. 3.

    Although early census records for New Guinea are often incomplete, difficult to procure, and taxing to analyze, they provide an unparalleled source of demographic data on so-called “band” and “tribal” societies under early colonial influence. Most of the density figures used in this paper were derived from these registers––those compiled by Australian patrol officers for Papua New Guinea and by Dutch authorities for West Papua.

    From detailed analyses of runs of these registers, it is possible to establish the point at which administrative officers had achieved a more or less full census, and I have used the earliest available ‘full’ census to compute the density figures for the societies in the database. Census figures, of course, refer to various periods after first contact and ‘pacification,’ and we know that New Guinea population levels were seriously affected by diseases and other mortal processes in the early years of contact (Roscoe 2009b: 606–608). Unfortunately, it is rarely possible to establish just how accurately post-contact census figures reflected contact-era population levels. An analysis of cases in which both early and later census records have survived provides some reason to believe that the figures I use are not greatly off the mark as proxies for contact-era populations (Held 1957: 24–25; cf. Groenewegen and van der Kaa 1965: 9; NNG 19371961; Roscoe, n.d.; 2000b: 606–608; but cf. Maher 1961: 105). To the extent that post-contact census data do not match contact-era figures, however, they do at least provide a common temporal baseline for the purposes of comparison. In other words, if the population figures I use to compute densities are faulty as absolute measures of contact-era population, they still retain some value as relative measures.

  4. 4.

    In a surprising number of further cases, ethnographers who have published voluminously about small, low-density New Guinea communities have been all but mute on the subject of leadership , suggesting perhaps that there was nothing to write about. For all of his distinguished writings about the Kaluli, for instance, Schieffelin has mentioned nothing about male status rivalry, influence, power , or leadership beyond noting the absence of Big-men (Schieffelin 1991: 61).

  5. 5.

    A number of other pursuits or achievements that neither Sahlins nor Godelier refer to also provided a path to eminence of influence. These include visual and plastic artistry, long-yam production, singing, dancing, polygyny, numbers of offspring, and trading. Figure 8.3 omits these avenues because of their relatively low incidence.

  6. 6.

    A community was judged to award status to performance in war if: (a) an ethnography described it as conferring “esteem,” “fame”, “glory”, “honor”, “prestige”, “renown”, “reputation”, “respect”, “symbolic capital”, “standing”, “status ” (in the sense of prestige as opposed to office), or (positive) “worth”; (b) if a successful warrior was “admired”, “revered”, or “valued”; or (c) if he became a “hero” or “distinguished” himself in war .

  7. 7.

    A successful warrior was judged to have influence or power if: (a) he was said to have “influence”, “power” (or be “influential” or “powerful” in the sense of social power ), or “followers” or “a following”; (b) his “opinion carried (greater) weight”; (c) he “exerted (social) control” or “made the decisions in tribal and clan affairs”; or (d) other people “submitted to” or “supported” him in his endeavors.

  8. 8.

    Offensive warfare to annex neighboring territory and its resources might ensure survival in the event of extreme resource shortage, but as a number of anthropologists have pointed out, New Guinea ns did not commonly go to war for land (see summary in Sillitoe 1977: 72–74, though cf. Ember 1982). In the highlands, for instance, one community might displace another in war but the victors seldom moved into take over the vacated property. Indeed, after they had spent a few years in refuge, the remnants of a vanquished population were often allowed or invited back to reoccupy their domains (see, e.g., Brown and Brookfield 1959: 41; Rappaport 1968: 145; Reay 1959: 6–7). The main guise in which offensive warfare sometimes functioned as defensive––was as an attack to preempt a military threat on one’s doorstep.

  9. 9.

    If an absence of evidence is assumed to be evidence of absence, then the frequency differences between warriorhood and material display as modes of status competition are highly significant (p < 0.001, Chi-squared test for independence). The evidential assumption is sufficiently fraught, however, as to cast doubt on this result.

  10. 10.

    See also Lederman (1986: 144) on the Mendi, Newman (1965: 44) on the Gururumba, Strathern (1971: 189) on the Northern Melpa, and Wormsley (1978: 232) on the Ialibu.

  11. 11.

    A close textual analysis of Godelier’s comparison of Great-men and Big-men shows that he, too, tactitly associated Big-men with power . In talking of Great-men, his references are almost exclusively to men of “high status ,” “renown,” “prestige,” “stature,” to “opportunities for distinguishing” oneself, and to names that “spread far and wide” (Godelier 1986: 98, 105–106, 107, 109, 122, 129). The Great man is a “ status for the taking” (1986: 96; emphasis added). Only once does he mention “authority” and “social power ” in relation to Great-men (1986: 109). In stark contrast, his descriptions of classic Big men refer as much or more so to their “power” and “influence” as to their status or prestige (e.g., 1986: 162–167): the Big man is “a man who has acquired power through his own merit” (1986: 163; italics added).

  12. 12.

    Abelam––Kaberry 1971: 61; Chimbu––Bergmann 1971, vol. 4, 85; Enga (Mae)––Meggitt 1965: 30; Enga (Raiapu)–Westermann 1968: 111; North Wahgi––O’Hanlon 1989: 38.

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Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful to Bob Carneiro, Rick Chacon, and Terry Hays for comments on earlier versions of this paper. None of these people, of course, is responsible for the errors and idiocies I have surely perpetrated.

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Roscoe, P. (2017). The Emergence of Sociopolitical Complexity: Evidence from Contact-Era New Guinea. In: Chacon, R., Mendoza, R. (eds) Feast, Famine or Fighting?. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation, vol 8. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-48402-0_8

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