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Highly Stratified Societies Without Permanent Leadership: The Yi in Liangshan of Southwestern China

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Feast, Famine or Fighting?

Part of the book series: Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation ((STHE,volume 8))

Abstract

This chapter documents the longstanding social stratification among the pre-1956 Yi societies in Liangshan , China . The Zimo, the Nuohuo, the Qunuo, the Anjia, and the Gaxi were the five main social classes of pre-1956 Yi society. The Zimo and the Nuohuo were the first and second highest classes of people possessing major basic resources necessary for survival, the majority of the Qunuo were the people protected by the Zimo or the Nuohuo, and the Anjia and the Gaxi were enslaved. This kind of social stratification was a result of more than 1000 years of evolution. Among the Zimo were the Tusis, who were hereditary chiefs that had been granted official posts by the imperial courts of China . Beginning in the middle of the Ming Dynasty, most of the Tusis were gradually expelled from Liangshan by the Nuohuo. Subsequently, the social order in most parts of Liangshan was maintained by the combined principles of egalitarian society and complex society . No permanent leaders, no centralized leadership, all members of the same class, same gender, and same age, were equal to each other. Such rigidly hierarchical and highly stratified societies that also practiced principles of egalitarianism are not effectively explained by the contemporary leading theories of social evolution.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Yi were referred to as “Luoluo” in the ancient Chinese literature (Q. Hu 2007b, 3). However, we have reasons to doubt that all ancestors of the people presently called Yi were referred to as “Luoluo” at that time. We know that before 1949, the Yi used at least 35 names when referring to themselves while outsiders used 44 names to identify the Yi (The Compiling Team of A Brief Yi History 1987, 239–41; Yi 2000, 4–6). Only in 1950s did they start to accept the name of Yi with the help of Chinese government. So how can it be possible for the Yi to have had a single name in ancient times?

  2. 2.

    Before 1956, the nine counties of today's Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture, Zhaojue, Meigu, Butuo, Xide, Puge, Ganluo, Jinyang, Yuexi, and Leibo, as well as the two counties, Mabian and Ebian, and the district Jinkouhe, of today's Leshan City, were referred to as the hinterland of Great Liangshan and Small Liangshan in Sichuan, with a size of more than 35,000 km2 (Q. Hu 2007c, 15; Yi 2000, 6).

  3. 3.

    Scholars disagree about this issue. This chapter employs the numbers put forth by Q. Hu (2007b, 1). Other figures are reported by X. Cheng (1984, 56–73), N. Liu (2012), The Chronicles Office of Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture (2005b), The Ethnic Affairs Commission of the NPC (1957, 22), W. Wu (1982, 32–35), M. Xu (1983, 88–93, 1985, 155).

  4. 4.

    In 1956, there were 84,300 people in Ninglang Yi Autonomous County, among whom 54,000 were Yi, accounting for 64% of the County’s total population (Q. Hu 2007b, 1).

  5. 5.

    Mention of such “Southwestern Barbarians” appears in the earliest Chinese historical books, such as in Sima (1959), Ban (1962), and Fan (1965).

  6. 6.

    Later sources seem to indicate that these rituals can be characterized as forms of ancestor worship. See Y. Cheng (2005, 106–11), Y. He (1983, 153–68), M. Xu (1990, 18–23).

  7. 7.

    From 1955 to 1960, at Mount Shizhai in Jinning County, archeologists excavated 50 ancient tombs dating from the Warring States Period to the Western Han Dynasty. Among the more than 4000 artifacts, mostly bronze, there is an impressive gold seal with four Chinese characters: “Dian Wang(King) Zhi(of) Yin (Seal).” This finding confirms the accuracy of Sima’s assertion that the Emperor Wu of the Western Han Dynasty “granted Dianwang a king's seal” (Sima 1959, 2997). Moreover, the recovery of this seal provides strong evidence in favor of the existence of the Kingdom of Dian. See L. Chen and D. Ma (1957, 57), H. Feng (1961, 469–90), Zhen. Hu (1984, 73–77), Gu (1980, 78–79), Jiang (1994, 92–94), K. Li (1985, 78–81), N. Wang (1979, 423–39), P. Wu (1959, 49), Yunnan Provincial Museum (1959a, 56–61, b, 9), Zh. Wang (1959, 573–75), Zh. Zhang (1993, 28–34).

  8. 8.

    In fact, the hierarchy and stratification of the Yi in Liangshan was much more complicated. As Yuting Du writes: “By carefully analyzing the differences among ‘various social statuses,’ one may find a ladder with at least more than thirty steps, some of which possess dissimilarities in form, but many are distinctions in the nature of social statuses.” See Du (1978, 8). See also R. Baqie (2000, 18–25). Scholars usually believe there were four or five major social classes . Zimo was regarded as the upper part of Nuohuo by those who classify people into four major strata (For instance, see Dou 1981, 31; Du 1978, 7–13; Y. He 1987, 71–80; X. Shi and J. Chen 1959, 25–36; J. Wang 1963, 34–39; M. Xu 1992, 12–17). I adopt the classification of five major strata put forth by Q. Hu and others (For example, from Q. Hu 2007c; Shao. Li and G. Zhang 1985, 142–158; Yi 1986a, 55–62, 1989a, 58–66, 2000, 521–77).

  9. 9.

    Up until 1956, only about 10% of all land and 10–20% of the total population of Liangshan was under the rule of the Zimo. See Yi (1986a, 56, 62), W. Zhu (2003, 31).

  10. 10.

    Many scholars consider the Anjia to have been slaves. For example, see Q. Hu (2007c, 113), Zh. Hu (1980, 17).

  11. 11.

    In fact, it is difficult to come up with definitions for the Jiazhi. Most scholars believe that the Jiazhi is a type of kin organization, such as a clan. See W. Baqie and K. Baqie (1995, 47–48), Y. He (1981, 205–20), Q. Hu (2007c, 202–253), Yao. Liu (1980b, 115, 161), Zh. Liu (2008a, 50–54), Qin (1990, 85–88), Sakurai (2000, 106–26), Tao (1993, 252–67), The Compiling Team of The Yi Slavery Societies in Liangshan (1982, 131–55), The Sichuan Provincial Association of Ethnic Studies, and the Sichuan Provincial Institute of Ethnic Studies (1985), The Sichuan Provincial Team (1987, 53–88), Wazha (1999, 58–62); X. Wu (2007, 23–26), Yi (1986c, 29–35, 1987, 34–38, 1989b, 56–59, 1991, 57–61), D. Zhang (2003, 47–54), Ch. Zheng (2000, 125–30), Z. Zhou (1983, 262–68).

  12. 12.

    On this matter, there are abundant materials and research. See Q. Hu (2007a, 377–90), G. Liu (1988, 28–34), Ren (2013, 147–50), Sun (2007), M. Wang (2008, 2012, 53–56), Huai. Yang (1994); Yin and J. Li (2011, 144–47), X. Zhang (2006, 20–22). Presently, the Yi customary law in Liangshan is still in effect. Some scholars believe that, for the most part, national laws are applicable only at the county level. In rural areas, most disputes are settled by traditional customary law. Each year, approximately 90% of all disputes are resolved by Yi customary law. For example, each year in Meigu County, 70–80 of civil cases brought to the county court account for 10% of all cases, while the remaining 90% of all cases are resolved by the traditional Yi customary law. See M. Wang (2007, 62). For other similar views and related materials consult Cai (1999, 187–91, 2001, 144–48), J. Chen and D. Baqie (2008), Sheng. Li (2010, 172–73), L. Ma and L. Zhang (2011, 52–60), L. Ma and J. Zhang (2012, 60–67), H. Wu (2012, 250–52).

  13. 13.

    Many years ago, some argued that such leaders were elected or appointed. See Y. Xu (1942, 55).

  14. 14.

    Y. He holds that the main cause for the Yi hierarchical differentiation in Liangshan was internal differentiation within a clan, rather than wars of conquest. However, he admits that war was an important historical phenomenon in Yi history, including Yi history in Liangshan. See Y. He (1978, 44–51).

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Acknowledgments

I am extremely grateful to Dr. Richard J. Chacon for the great amount of time he spent reviewing my chapter. With his help, the English readability of this paper was significantly enhanced. Of course, all the remaining errors are my responsibility.

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  1. Institute of World History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 1 Dongchang Hutong, Beijing, 100006, People’s Republic of China

    Jianping Yi

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    Richard J. Chacon

  2. Social, Behavioral and Global Studies, CSU Monterey Bay Social, Behavioral and Global Studies, Seaside, California, USA

    Rubén G. Mendoza

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Yi, J. (2017). Highly Stratified Societies Without Permanent Leadership: The Yi in Liangshan of Southwestern China. In: Chacon, R., Mendoza, R. (eds) Feast, Famine or Fighting?. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation, vol 8. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-48402-0_6

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