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Feast, Famine or Fighting? pp 393–415Cite as

Pathways to Social Complexity in the Norte Chico Region of Peru

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Part of the book series: Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation ((STHE,volume 8))

Abstract

Over the past 20 years, archeological research in the Central Andes has identified the north central coast of Peru as an epicenter of early social complexity . Over the course of the Late Archaic Period (3000–1800 B.C.), a stretch of the north central Peruvian coast known locally as the Norte Chico (“Little North”) witnessed the transition from relatively simple forms of sociopolitical organization to more complex ones. During this time, groups both on the coast and in the highlands underwent a transition from mobile hunting, fishing, and gathering to a sedentary lifestyle in which they established permanent villages. Plant domestication intensified as irrigation agriculture assumed greater importance as a subsistence practice. The most dramatic cultural transformation of the Late Archaic Period , and most conspicuous from an archeological perspective, was the construction of monumental architecture. The Late Archaic occupation in the Norte Chico region was the focus of a major cultural florescence that consisted of at least 30 sites with large-scale ceremonial structures. This chapter explores the various models that have been proposed to explain these cultural developments and ultimately posits that religion played a major role in the establishment of social complexity in the Central Andes during the Late Archaic Period .

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Following Lavallée (2000), the Central Andes is considered the region encompassing the desert Pacific coast, the Andean Cordillera, and the eastern forested piedmont from southern Ecuador to northern Chile.

  2. 2.

    Intensive excavations, primarily in the Supe Valley, have revealed evidence of buildings made of waddle-and-daub as well as more permanent structures with stone foundations and elaborately plastered walls and floors (Chu Barrera 2011; Noel Espinoza 2004; Shady and Leyva 2003).

  3. 3.

    Unless otherwise noted, all calibrated dates are weighted averages based on recalibrations made using the Calib 7.0 software and the SHCal13 calibration curve (Hogg et al. 2013). In addition, the RCYBP and standard error are reported for all dates.

  4. 4.

    This areal measurement for Caral follows Haas and Creamer (2004, 45) who define the site based on “contiguously occupied land including the main ceremonial and residential center and the adjacent mound/plaza complex referred to [by Shady (2006a)] as Chupacigarro.” Shady (2006a, Table 2.1) distinguishes between the two locales and maintains that Caral itself only measures approximately 66 ha in area.

  5. 5.

    Most of the arguments and data presented in Shady (2006a) are also published in Spanish in Shady et al. 2003d [2000].

  6. 6.

    “Posteriormente, en al Arcaico Tardío, la innovación tecnológica que representó la red de algodón para los pescadores y el cultivo en pequeñas terrazas, regadas por canals, par alas aldeas agrícolas de la sierra, mejoró la economía de estas poblaciones y propoició una serie de cambios sociales, mayor productividad y disponibilidad de bienes intercambiables, crecimiento de la población y la expansion de ésta, complejidad creciente en las relaciones sociales de producción y organización de las comunidades para la construcción de obras de interés public, etc. Estos cambios, a nivel del area, aceleraron el desarrollo del conjunto, aunque el beneficio mayo lo tendrían con el tiempo las sociedades costeñas, en particular las de Supe, al efectuar actividades económicas diversificadas y más productivas y al estar mayor ubicadas, en esa época, para el intercambio entre las sociedades costeñas y las del interior. En tal contexto, entre los 2100 y los 1600 años a. C. se dieron las condiciones para la formacin del Estado en el valle de Supe, la primera forma de gobierno centralizado sobre un conjunto de centros urbanos.”

  7. 7.

    “Es interesante observer que, dentro de aquella area, el valle de Supe ocupa una posición estratégica para la comunicación, con una serie de vías de tránsito que permiten un rápido y fácil acceso a las sierras del Callejón de Huaylas, Conchucos y a los valles del Marañón y Huallaga, en la cuenca amazónica. Es decir, en menos tiempo y sin mayores dificultades, sus habitantes pueden hacer llegar a la costa productos de la sierra o la selva y viceversa. La vía de Supe ha sido utilizada tradicionalmente y hasta el presente para conectar regions de costa, sierra o selva del país y tener acceso a productos variados.”

  8. 8.

    It should be noted, however, that Flannery and Marcus (2012) among others (see Dietrich and Nortroff, this volume) have documented examples of societies capable of moving massive stones without strong political leadership. Nevertheless, the case of the Late Archaic sites in the Norte Chico region is unique because the construction activities were likely conducted on a larger scale involving larger numbers of people working for longer periods of time. Such activities would have required considerable coordination that is probably not feasible in more egalitarian contexts.

  9. 9.

    It is likely that groups flocked to the inland ceremonial sites from the surrounding highlands. In addition to the temporary campsites, botanical remains from highland plant species and particular cooking facilities (e.g., pachamancas) indicate the presence of individuals from the Central Andean highlands.

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    Matthew Piscitelli

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    Rubén G. Mendoza

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Piscitelli, M. (2017). Pathways to Social Complexity in the Norte Chico Region of Peru. In: Chacon, R., Mendoza, R. (eds) Feast, Famine or Fighting?. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation, vol 8. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-48402-0_14

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