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Taylorean Social Theory and the “Orthodox” and “Counter-Orthodox” Models

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Interpreting Charles Taylor’s Social Theory on Religion and Secularization
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Abstract

Taylorean social theory brings new insights to the debate on secularization in the West. In order to articulate them, this chapter compares it with both the “orthodox” and “counter-orthodox” models. In each case, it explores the ways in which my views criticize these theories and furthers the conversation by explaining secularization, I think, more perspicuously and by proposing new issues. In regards with the “orthodox” model, along with criticisms shared by many about social facts not substantiating its claims, it considers that reducing religion as epiphenomenal misinterprets social facts in themselves, sees structural differentiation as not elimination the role of religious motivations, and calls into question the possibility of a strict secular/religious divide. In regard to rational choice theory (RCT), Taylorean social theory main criticism is to its naturalistic methodology, its views of systems as closed, the way RCT privileges instrumental rationality over others, and its interpretation of religious allegiances based exclusively on acts of choice. RCT is seen as unduly stressing structures in detriment of human agency, and social factors in detriment of cultural ones. Taylorean social theory offers positive arguments into the debate when it redefines secularization as religious change, and brings back the cultural factors operative in that social process, as well as the morphogenetic role of human agency (via social movements). Among the pending tasks of Taylorean social theory it needs to produce a clearer set of criteria to incorporate the results of (less hermeneutically-oriented) studies from mainstream sociology, as well as explaining social movements dynamics.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Among such topics I would mention: (a) Taylor’s idea of humans as self-interpreting beings, who in that very process define ethical goals for their lives; (b) his particular understanding of social sciences as hermeneutical; (c) and his discussion of Close World Structures.

  2. 2.

    There are, on the contrary, numerous studies that show that at the present time new forms of religious life are appearing in the West, as well as that some of the previously existing religious organizations are undergoing a process of revitalization. In the case of Western Europe as a whole, one could mention McLeod (1997); focused mostly on England, France and Germany one finds Hervieu-Lèger (1986: 140–227; 1999: 29–60, 89–155; 2000: 27–41). See also the work by Casanova (1994: 75–91, 135–207).

    The British experience is studied by Brown (2001: 16–34, 228–33) and Davie (1994: 45–116). Contemporary religion in France is analyzed by Gauchet (1998: 11–30), Cholvy (1988: 485–95), and Denèfle (1997). This last work is focused on French “nones.” The Italian case is the focus of the work by Luca Diotallevi (1999). Contemporary religion is studied in the Canadian context by Reginald Bibby (2004: 55–91, 175–82).

    A different case is the United States, which shows high religious vitality, as shown by Kosmin and Keysar (2006: 20–37, 65–88) and Stark (2008: 115–46). For the rise of new religious forms from the 50s on, see Wuthnow (1998a: 1–18, 168–98; 2007: 13–19) and Roof (1993: 241–62; 1999: 294–314).

    Bruce (2002: 60–185, 229–41; 1999: 58–120) interprets the data in the opposite direction, supporting the “orthodox” model by affirming religious decline in England, the precariousness of new religious movements (New Age, Charismatic groups), and considering the advent of Postmodernity as indifferent to the revival of religion.

  3. 3.

    See, for example, in the case of Northern Europe, Casanova et al (2013).

  4. 4.

    Chaves (2011), however, has been able to document a slow but steady decline of belief in God and, more generally, of religious belief in the United States over the past 50 years.

  5. 5.

    In his view, Roman Emperor Constantine I initiated this shift in the West first with the Edict of Milan of 313 AD, which tolerated Christianity in the Empire, and then turned it into its official religion (although tolerating other religions). In time, political and ecclesiastical events lead to an exclusivist view on the part of Christianity.

  6. 6.

    In what follows, I will use the RCT acronym as a synonym of “counter-orthodox” theorists. However, “rational choice theory” is a complex reality that has taken different shapes due to the works of scholars such as George Homans (strongly influenced by behaviorist psychology), James Coleman, Gary Becker and Jon Elster. For an explanation of these changes, see Jan de Jonge (2012: 3–127). Rational choice theory has been applied not only in psychology, economics and religion, but also in political theory, law and ethics.

  7. 7.

    Rodney Stark, personal communication to the author, 5 June 2014.

  8. 8.

    Taylor (1964) develops a philosophical critique of behaviorist psychology in his first book, which is shown to be unfruitful and confused in many ways, proving the invalidity of at least one kind of mechanistic interpretation of human behavior.

  9. 9.

    Italics are mine.

  10. 10.

    The reference is to a piece titled Interpretation and the Sciences of Man.

  11. 11.

    This may lead to some paradoxical consequences, such as the interpretation of ethical decisions taken in an Aristotelian or Kantian fashion as being governed by cost/benefit analysis, that is, a utilitarian perspective. The same happens with phenomena like altruism, heroism and ethical decisions which entail a long-term process of enduring difficulties.

  12. 12.

    For a critique of this positions, see Steven Lukes (1968).

  13. 13.

    The reference is to a piece titled What is Human Agency?

  14. 14.

    The quote is from a piece titled The Diversity of Goods.

  15. 15.

    Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, 115–118.

  16. 16.

    Martin Hollis (1987: 64–73) argues against a view of “preferences” which are already given, complete, consistent and determining.

  17. 17.

    Bruce (1999: 44–54) develops a similar criticism providing several examples in the sociology of religion to illustrate his points. See also the work by Wilson (1966: 15–16).

  18. 18.

    These cannot be understood, as Taylor affirms in Irreducibly Social Good, unless social goods are conceptualized as greater than the sum of the individual goods of all participants (1995: 127–145).

  19. 19.

    The quote is from a piece titled Social Theory as Practice.

  20. 20.

    The reference is to a piece titled Social Theory as Practice.

  21. 21.

    The same issue is commented by Bruce (1999: 51–52). For a comparison between RCT theory and the Italian case which shows the former unable to satisfactorily explain the latter, see the work by Diotallevi (2001) and Cipriani (2003).

  22. 22.

    The quote is from a piece titled Social Theory as Practice.

  23. 23.

    For an analysis of these kinds of contexts, see Robert Putnam (2000), Robert Wuthnow (1998b) and Vincent J. Miller (2005). Although modernization trends can be found worldwide at the present time, particularly due to globalization, it is important to take into account, as Berger (2002) points out, that their reception in non-Western cultures has taken many different and original paths, as an expression of strategies of acceptance, resistance, localization, hybridization, alternative globalization and sub-globalization.

  24. 24.

    An example of how the “counter-orthodox” model could be used in the context of an hermeneutically-oriented sociology is the already mentioned work by Ammerman (1997). She does so at the level of individuals and organizations.

  25. 25.

    For instance, from a perspective amenable to that of Taylor, see Smith (2003: 30–79) whose study is focused on the secularization of American public life through the action of intellectual elites. Also, within a Neo-Marxist framework, see the work by Touraine (1977) and Foss and Larkin (1986).

  26. 26.

    For example, see the studies on social influence processes in Stanley Wasserman and Joseph Galaskiewicz (1994: 3–109).

  27. 27.

    The reference is from a piece titled Rationality.

  28. 28.

    For example, one could ask if Latino Catholics in the United States, with their own shared social imaginaries, do inhabit the same immanent frame Taylor conceptualizes and how, as well as if they offer an alternate mode of modern Catholicity as that he proposes (Lopez-Menendez 2008).

  29. 29.

    This is an English-born approach to the sciences of man, which has been developed since the 90s by a number of scholars gathered around the philosophy of Roy Bhaskar and the Journal of Critical Realism, such as Alex Canillicos, Douglas V. Porpora, Jonathan Q. Tritter, Andrew Parker, Ian Procter, Carol Wolkowitz, Peter Ratcliffe, Margaret Archer, and others. The topics of interest range from social theory to issues as varied as race biases, marriage decisions, decision-making in schools and universities, crimes against humanity, etc.

  30. 30.

    This is an approach that wants to overcome the dualism between structure and human agency through a focus on social relations as the basic analytical focus for sociology, Its proponents, among others, are François Dèpelteau, Mustafa Emirbayer, Stephan Fuchs and specially Pierpaolo Donati and Nick Crossley. For an overview see Donati (2011) and Crossley (2011).

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McKenzie, G. (2017). Taylorean Social Theory and the “Orthodox” and “Counter-Orthodox” Models. In: Interpreting Charles Taylor’s Social Theory on Religion and Secularization. Sophia Studies in Cross-cultural Philosophy of Traditions and Cultures, vol 20. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-47700-8_7

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