Abstract
The automobile has been a major shaping force in cities throughout the 20th Century. Since about the 1980s this has also been true of China and in particular its cities. Carefully assembled comparative data on Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou provide a window into this process in China. The data show some major trends towards the automobile, and more lately a move away from it. The chapter also demonstrates how the nationally directed Chinese automobile industry provides a critical backdrop for why Chinese cities have become more oriented to the automobile. It shows how and why this motorization trend has had to be modified in recent years in favour of transit, walking, cycling and electrically powered ‘lightly motorized’ modes. The chapter concludes that Chinese cities, though undergoing major change towards the car (and motorcycle), have reached certain physical limits very rapidly, whereby further motorization will be unsustainable and counter-productive economically and in many other ways. As such, it is argued that Chinese cities are more likely to reverse their motorization trend through a major revival of high quality transit, especially rail, and a rediscovery of their hitherto dominant non-motorized modes, rather than moving further towards the car. Important policy insights are drawn from the comparisons of the three cities.
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Notes
- 1.
Plan for Automobile Industry Restructuring and Revitalization (2009) announced three auto-encouragement policies in response to the 2008 global financial crisis, including (1) Purchases Duty Preferential, (2) Bring Automobiles into Countryside, and (3) Car-Scrapping.
- 2.
See, for example, a new documentary entitled Under the Dome , concerning air pollution in China.
- 3.
As opposed to the typical western single-family detached housing model which consists almost exclusively of low density single story construction.
- 4.
While vehicle ownership per hundred urban households has continued to grow beyond 2010 (Fig. 3.6), the more significant share of daily trips by private motorized vehicles (i.e., actual use of private vehicles) began to stabilize and decline around 2010 in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou (Fig. 3.7). It indicated an important change in orientation of urban transport in China, as developed in more detail later in the chapter.
- 5.
There were 156 newly developed projects under technical support from the former Soviet Union during the First Five-Year Plan. They covered energy, machinery, and other heavy industries.
- 6.
There are different fees in different districts of Beijing. In the six inner districts, the first hour is free and then a flat rate of 1 Yuan/h (<Footnote ID=”Fn6”><Para ID=”Par45”>There are different fees in different districts of Beijing. In the six inner districts, the first hour is free and then a flat rate of 1 Yuan/h ($0.16) applies, with a maximum charge of 10 Yuan ($1.6) in 24 h.</Para></Footnote>.16) applies, with a maximum charge of 10 Yuan ($1.6) in 24 h.
- 7.
High speed rail or “bullet train” is defined as either an existing upgraded railway (operating speed ≥200 km/h) or an entirely new track system (operating speed ≥250 km/h) (Utah Foundation 2010).
- 8.
This is a significant improvement, however, 20 km/h will generally not compete with cars travel speeds and is very much less than a typical metro average speed of 30 to 40 km/h.
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This document was produced with the financial support of the Prince Albert II of Monaco Foundation. The contents of this document are solely the liability of Yuan Gao and under no circumstances may be considered as a reflection of the position of the Prince Albert II of Monaco Foundation and/or the IPCC.
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Gao, Y., Kenworthy, J. (2017). China. In: Pojani, D., Stead, D. (eds) The Urban Transport Crisis in Emerging Economies. The Urban Book Series. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43851-1_3
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