Abstract
In this chapter I argue that the pressing issue that wealthy societies face today is not merely economic inequality, but rather prevalent and increasing relative poverty. I will first analyze the concept of poverty with a special focus on relative poverty and not, as is common in contemporary political philosophy, with an exclusive view on absolute poverty. It will be argued that poverty should be seen as problematic from a moral point of view because it undermines self-respect and thereby violates the dignity of persons. Self-respect depends on the ability to look after oneself in important matters and the ability to respect oneself as an equal member of society. For people living in relative poverty both are impossible or at least extremely hard. In a second section, I will argue that the normatively problematic character of relative poverty as a threat to human dignity gives us a strong reason to assign the responsibility for eradicating relative poverty to the appropriate agents. As we will see in this chapter, it is the state that bears primary responsibility for enabling people to escape relative poverty. In a third part, I will argue that it is not irrelevant which measures are used to help people to get out of their poverty. Different measures are humiliating to a different degree and respect for the dignity of relatively poor people demands the choice of the least humiliating measure. In the light of this normative background, I will argue that welfare is better than charity and a reorganization of the economic structure, as far as possible, even better than welfare.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Even those egalitarians, for whom equality is of intrinsic value, normally limit this claim to certain goods (or capabilities). E.g. Larry Temkin 1993, p. 7.
- 3.
Stefan Gosepath (2004) among others calls this the presumption of equality.
- 4.
Cf. Hope (2012) for a concise formulation of this idea originally dating to David Hume.
- 5.
According to the standard terminology ‘thick concepts’ combine evaluative and descriptive content in their meaning. Cf. Roberts (2013).
- 6.
Amartya Sen (1987) makes this point using the example of hunger and fasting.
- 7.
This position is especially popular in the German-speaking world. That is because the German constitution starts with claiming that the dignity of man is inviolable. Cf. Rosen (2012, 77–80).
- 8.
- 9.
- 10.
This argument is developed by Avishai Margalit (1996).
- 11.
In that way it was presented in the groundbreaking book of Thomas Pogge (2008). Today, in international politics, US$ 1.25 is the common demarcation. Accordingly, there was a reduction in absolute poverty. In the last 20 years, absolute poverty roughly diminished about 700 million (in absolute terms). According to the UN (2013), this reduction goes back nearly exclusively to the reduction in poverty in these five countries: China, Indonesia, India, Pakistan and Vietnam.
- 12.
Conceptualizing absolute poverty as a threat to human dignity directly leads to a general positive duty to eradicate poverty.
- 13.
- 14.
Measuring poverty in terms of purchasing power of course is burdened with many problems. It is still used in public and normative discourse for its simplicity and symbolic value. For policy questions other measurements have been developed like the Human Poverty Index or more recently the Multidimensional Poverty Index. Unlike the Human Poverty Index the Multidimensional Poverty Index is only applied to developing countries and not able to grasp the concept of relative poverty, which is a weakness, I think. Cf. Alkire et al. (2015).
- 15.
- 16.
See for the data: https://www.destatis.de/DE/ZahlenFakten/GesellschaftStaat/EinkommenKonsumLebensbedingungen/LebensbedingungenArmutsgefaehrdung/Tabellen/Einkommensverteilung_SILC.html (last access: 07.07.2015).
- 17.
Without being able to explain this in more detail, this seems to me like a minimal condition of narrative unity of the person as John Christman (2004) describes it.
- 18.
- 19.
The common differentiation of upper, middle and lower class is a fine illustration of this fact.
- 20.
The work of Avner de-Shalit and Jonathan Wolff (2007) shows clearly that the affected people themselves are quite aware of this fact.
- 21.
- 22.
I leave it open, whether goods or needs or resources or capabilities are the best metric for justice and dignity because I think this question is not central for the issues discussed here, although later I will rely on the capability approach. See for an overview over the discussion of what the right metric of justice is: Brighouse and Robeyns (2010). Money on the other hand, surely is only a means to an end, but an exceptionally good one because of its nearly universal transferability, as Friedrich August Hayek (1944/2007, 125) has emphasized.
- 23.
- 24.
- 25.
The reference to exploitation is important, because it establishes that the rich contribute to the poverty of the poor. It might still be that the rich have a secondary responsibility to help, but this would not be based on accountability and those other agents who cause the poverty would still have a primary responsibility to eradicate it.
- 26.
According to ILO (2014), worldwide there are more than 200 million unemployed people looking for work with a tendency for this figure to rise. Hence, excess supply of labor or sufficient work ability seems to be a normal condition in our current economic system.
- 27.
For an illuminating discussion of the capability approach as developed by Sen: Crocker (2008).
- 28.
At first sight, one could argue that environmental factors can also be decisive, e.g. in case of famines. However, Amartya Sen (1981) has shown convincingly that even in these cases social conversion factors are crucial, because famines arise from a barred access to food markets due to lack of income.
- 29.
- 30.
In a legendary study Marie Jahoda et al. (1975) analyze the effects of structural unemployment on those affected. They come to the conclusion that it leads to massive changes in personality.
- 31.
Here, I use the phrase given by John Rawls (1971/1999, 438), who argues that the social foundation to self-respect is a basic good and maybe the most important one. Rawls does not argue, however, that freedom from relative poverty is a social foundation to self-respect.
- 32.
- 33.
- 34.
This argument is consistently utilized by Friedrich v. Hayek (1960/2006, 224 ff.).
- 35.
Hayek (1960/2006, ch. 18). While John Rawls (1971/1999, 151) apparently accepted this argument of Hayek, Gerald Cohen (2008, ch. 5) vehemently opposes it, stating that such drastic measures are not necessary. Instead citizens just need to act in accordance with the moral principles of egalitarianism.
- 36.
Piketty (2014, 512–518) argues for higher taxes on income and capital. His argument has (re)opened the discussion on this much contested topic.
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Neuhäuser, C. (2016). Relative Poverty as a Threat to Human Dignity: On the Structural Injustice of Welfare States. In: Gaisbauer, H., Schweiger, G., Sedmak, C. (eds) Ethical Issues in Poverty Alleviation. Studies in Global Justice, vol 14. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41430-0_9
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