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Well-Being of Circumpolar Arctic Peoples: The Quest for Continuity

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Book cover The Pursuit of Human Well-Being

Part of the book series: International Handbooks of Quality-of-Life ((IHQL))

Abstract

This chapter focuses on well-being in the Arctic. The Arctic encompasses one independent state, Iceland, and the northernmost regions and territories of seven sovereign states: Canada, United States, Russia, Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. The latter receives its Arctic status from the two self-governing entities within the Danish Realm, Greenland and the Faroe Islands.

The historical development of the circumpolar North has an array of common elements: early settlements of indigenous peoples adapting to harsh environments, an abundance of wildlife, and both renewable and non-renewable resources that have attracted a variety of people from more southern regions in Europe and North America. The newcomers included hunters, tradesmen, explorers, researchers, colonizers, and missionaries as well as civil servants, experts in different fields, military personnel, individual entrepreneurs, and large corporations. Interactions between indigenous residents and the newcomers created experiences that were parallel in time and space, whereas the narratives were developed from diverse perspectives. Furthermore, the colonization and modernization processes, which were conducted without, or at best with very little, inclusion of the indigenous peoples of the Arctic regions, have resulted in social traumas and severe social problems such as elevated rates of substance abuse, child neglect, violence (including domestic violence), and suicidal behavior. These problems are dealt with differently in the different jurisdictions—ranging from “a state of denial” to initiation of reconciliation processes that establish a common ground for understanding and addressing the aftermaths of colonization.

Despite communalities, the developmental processes in the various regions of the Arctic have progressed differently, and the results represent a variety of political settings, standards of living, and well-being. Livelihoods and living conditions have changed everywhere in the circumpolar North within the last century, not least due to globalization that, to a still larger degree, affects daily life in the Arctic. The impacts of the changes in world market prices for non-renewable resources, fish, and shellfish and the devastating consequences for Inuit subsistence hunters of anti-seal-hunting campaigns are just a few examples of the presence of globalization within Arctic-lived experiences.

The Arctic has also taken center stage in many different ways in international politics since World War II. Marked temporal examples include the Cold War era and, more recently, through the impacts of the discoveries and exploitation of non-renewable resources and of climate change. Furthermore, the creation of self-governing regional political entities and a high-level intergovernmental forum—the Arctic Council, with the representative organizations of the Arctic indigenous peoples as active partners with the eight Arctic states—has garnered international attention.

Depending on where the southern borders of the Arctic are drawn, the total population living in the circumpolar North amounts to between 4 and 10 million people, of which between 400,000 and 1.3 million residents belong to one of the indigenous peoples of the Arctic. The extension of the Arctic region—even when the narrowest delimitation is applied—is 40 million km2, which is about 8 % of the total area of the Earth. The Arctic’s share of the world’s total population in contrast is measured in thousandths.

The overall findings, which are based on official statistics made comparable and on more region-specific analyses, indicate that improvements have been made during the first decade of the twenty-first century in physical health (measured by infant mortality rates and life expectancy), educational attainment (measured by people with a tertiary education), and income (measured by gross regional product per capita. These findings also reveal huge differences between regions and between population groups, especially indigenous and nonindigenous, within regions. The differences also exist when mental health and overall well-being are assessed.

Some day when I have laid me down

Some day when I am dead,

the vision I saw

Will move someone else.

Someone else will see it.

The new generation

Will get to see it.

Therefore, I gasped for air

Therefore, I tried to catch my breath,

as captivated as I was.

(An unknown poet from Ammassalik)

Portions of the research reported in this chapter were previously published in Global Handbook of Quality of Life—Exploration of Well-Being of Nations and Continents, Living conditions and perceived quality of life among indigenous peoples in the Arctic, 2015, pp. 715–747, Poppel, B. © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015); with permission of Springer.

Portions of the research reported in this chapter were previously published in Human Development Report: Regional Processes and Global Linkages, Health and Well-being, 2014, Ratio, A., Poppel, B., Young, K. [Tema Nord 2014:567], Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers, with permission of the publisher.

Map 17.1
figure 1

Map of the Circumpolar Arctic region and Arctic administrative areas (Compiled by Winfried K. Dallmann. Norwegian Polar Institute; http://www.arctic-council.org/images/PDF_attachments/Maps/admin_areas_wNunavik.pdf)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    There are different definitions of the Arctic and the total population varies accordingly. The four million people figure comes from the delimitation defined by the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program (AMAP). The delimitation (e.g., used in the ECONOR I & II Reports) that is basis for the ten million population figure includes larger areas of the Russian Arctic than the one used by AMAP.

  2. 2.

    This definition of Arctic is applied in the analyses of well-being below.

  3. 3.

    As of January 1, 2007, Taymyr, Evenkia, and Koryak Autonomous Okrug (AO) ceased to exist as distinct federal subjects and were fully absorbed into the Krasnoyarsk kray and Kamchatka kray, although some statistics continue to be produced for these former AOs.

  4. 4.

    The six Permanent Participants of the Arctic Council are Aleut International Association, Arctic Athabaskan Council, Gwich’in Council International, Inuit Circumpolar Council, Russian Arctic Indigenous Peoples of the North, and Sámi Council (http://www.arctic-council.org/index.php/en/about-us/permanent-participants - accessed January 6, 2016). The Permanent Participants represent the estimated 500,000 indigenous people of the circumpolar region (as defined by the Arctic Council) in the Arctic Council.

  5. 5.

    See also https://oaarchive.arctic-council.org/handle/11374/85. Accessed 1 February 2016.

  6. 6.

    The cryolite mine was in operation from 1854 to 1987 and was an important supplier to the US production of fighter planes during World War II.

  7. 7.

    Colonization and different forms of outside influences might not correlate exactly with the years listed.

  8. 8.

    “AO” refers to discrete political units, Autonomous Okrugs, that were previously subjected to rule by the former Soviet Union. Today, all are independent territories in their own right but retain the original title as part of their name to reflect their previous political histories.

  9. 9.

    Gross domestic product is measured in domestic currencies of each country, and each country experiences different consumer patterns, price levels, and inflation rates. Comparing GRP per capita thus presupposes the existence of regional statistical assessments of production value, a procedure that converts GRP (in basic prices) in domestic currencies to a common currency (USD) and creates a new statistic referred to as purchasing power parity [PPP]. Furthermore, using the so-called gross domestic product deflators, the values are adjusted for inflation when changes in GRP from 2000 to 2009 (where data were available, otherwise for a shorter period of time – c.f. Table 17.1) are calculated.

  10. 10.

    The GRP time series for the three Finnish Arctic regions are only available for the period 2000–2005 and for three of the Russian Arctic regions (Evenki AO, Taymyr AO and Koryak AO). GRP data are only available for the period 2000–2007.

  11. 11.

    Relative poverty was measured using the Eurostat definition for households: “the households earning less than 60 per cent of the median income.”

  12. 12.

    To measure absolute poverty, the United States definition and standard were applied.

  13. 13.

    The incomes include all sources of income: wages, earnings from self-employment, and transfer income. The income figures are measured in USD and are PPP-adjusted.

  14. 14.

    See Kruse (2010) for a comparative study of living conditions and quality of life among Inupiat in 1973 and 2002/03, before and after oil extraction started.

  15. 15.

    Traditional food (in the English-speaking regions often called “country food”) is the overall term for meat, fish, herbs, and vegetables harvested locally or regionally and either prepared traditionally (e.g., boiled, fried, dried, or fermented), eaten raw, or prepared according to more modern recipes (Poppel and Kruse 2009). The term traditional food was not used as such in the questionnaire but related to what is considered traditional in the different regions, e.g., Inupiat/Yupik food in northern Alaska and Kalaalimernit, Greenlandic food in Greenland.

  16. 16.

    We defined subsistence activities as harvesting local resources: hunting, fishing, herding, husbandry, gathering, and other harvest activities that people conduct as a nonmarket activity with the primary purpose of contributing harvest products to the household, to share with family and community members (including ‘meat gifts’) or to sell locally outside the market economic sector. A ‘Household Production Model’ was developed to be tried out as a part of the research effort (Kruse et al. 2008; Usher et al. 2003).

  17. 17.

    Unpublished paper: Are subsistence activities, harvest of renewable resources and herding important to indigenous peoples in modern Arctic economies and cultures? Presented by B. Poppel at the IPY Oslo Science Conference 2010, June 8–12.

  18. 18.

    Interviews were conducted in different periods in the different regions/countries due to lack of coordination between funding agencies: northern Canada (2001); Alaska (2002–2003); Greenland (2004–2006); Chukotka (2004–2006); northern Norway (2006–2008); northern Sweden (2006–2008), and Kola Peninsula (2006–2008).

  19. 19.

    The index for 1981–2006 is based on Statistics Canada’s population census data and composed using indicators on income (income per capita), education (high school and university completion rates), housing (quantity and quality), and labor force activity (employment and labor force participation rates). The figures for 2011 are based on the 2011 National Household Survey.

  20. 20.

    The NAEDB was established in 1990 and was “appointed by Order-in-Council to provide policy and program advice to the federal government on Aboriginal economic development” (NAEDB 2012: 2).

  21. 21.

    The report notes “that the indigenous portion of the sample captured in each of the territories is considerably lower than found in the population” (Gordon Foundation 2015:66).

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Acknowledgements

The author is grateful to Jack Hicks and MarieKathrine Poppel for inspiration and insightful contributions and to Hunter Snyder for the first proof-reading.

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Poppel, B. (2017). Well-Being of Circumpolar Arctic Peoples: The Quest for Continuity. In: Estes, R., Sirgy, M. (eds) The Pursuit of Human Well-Being. International Handbooks of Quality-of-Life. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39101-4_17

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