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‘The Genuine Stamp of Truth and Nature’: Voicing The History of Mary Prince

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Abstract

What does authorship mean in a text such as Mary Prince’s History? A collaboration between herself and Susanna Strickland, overseen by Thomas Pringle of the Anti-slavery Society, does this, as one critic has argued, ‘take the text away from Mary’? Or were such relationships common and acknowledged? The chapter argues that the meaning of the History’s subtitle, Related by Herself, albeit modified and complicated in Pringle’s preface and in the accounts Strickland gives in her letters, is still in keeping with the range of authorial arrangements common to the slave narrative genre – collaboration between the autobiographical subject and their amanuensis was widely recognised and overtly signalled.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Joseph Conder, ‘Biographical Sketch of the Author’ in Thomas Pringle, Narrative of A Residence in South Africa, new edition (London: Edward Moxon,1835), p. xx. (Conder 1835)

  2. 2.

    Jane Meiring, Thomas Pringle: His Life and Times (Cape Town: A.A. Balkema, 1968), p. 127. (Meiring 1968)

  3. 3.

    Meiring, Thomas Pringle, p. 128. Pringle and Fairburn are described as having ‘fought their political battles in the polemical language of regency Britain’, Rodney Davenport and Christopher Saunders, South Africa: A Modern History, 5th ed. (London: Macmillan, 2000), p. 45. (Davenport and Saunders 2000)

  4. 4.

    Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830–1867 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 107. (Hall 2002)

  5. 5.

    Thomas Pringle, ‘The Autumnal Excursion (Addressed to a Friend)’, Ephemerides; or, Occasional Poems written in Scotland and South Africa (London: Smith, Elder, 1828), p. 3. (Pringle 1828)

  6. 6.

    ‘To Sir Walter Scott, Bart’, Ephemerides, p. 84.

  7. 7.

    ‘Amakosìna’, Ephemerides, p. 99. In a confusion of registers, Pringle describes the way that ‘through the glen the hamlets smoke;/ And children gambol round the kraal…’, p. 100.

  8. 8.

    ‘Song of the Wild Bushman’, Ephemerides, p. 92.

  9. 9.

    ‘Sonnet II: The Hottentot’, Ephemerides, p. 144.

  10. 10.

    ‘The Caffer Commando’, Ephemerides, pp. 125–7. In later versions ‘Christian’ becomes ‘Colonists’.

  11. 11.

    Damian Shaw, ‘Thomas Pringle’s “Bushmen”: Images in Flesh and Blood’, English in Africa, 25: 2 (October 1998): 37–61. (Shaw 1998)

  12. 12.

    ‘To Oppression’, Ephemerides, p. 156.

  13. 13.

    As Sue Thomas states, ‘Very little is known of the life of Mary Prince after the publication of the third edition of…The History of Mary Prince’ in 1833, ‘New Information on Mary Prince in London’, Notes and Queries, 58: 1 (2011): 82. (Thomas 2011)

  14. 14.

    Mary Prince, The History of Mary Prince, a West Indian Slave, Related by Herself; with a Supplement by the Editor; to which is added, the Narrative of Louis Asa-Asa, a Captured African (London: F. Westley and A.H. Davis, 1831), pp. 23, 11 (History of Mary Prince, a West Indian Slave 1831); subsequent page numbers parenthetically in the text.

  15. 15.

    Pringle contests this, saying that ‘she had a one time 113 dollars in cash; but only a very small portion of that sum appears to have been brought by her to England, the rest having been partly advanced, as she states, to assist her husband, and partly lost by being lodged in unfaithful custody’ (31). But the point still stands – she was active in the money economy.

  16. 16.

    Hall, Civilising Subjects, p. 292.

  17. 17.

    Hannah More, ‘The Black Slave Trade’, Poems (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1816), p. 375. (More 1816)

  18. 18.

    To James and Emma Bird, late January 1831, Susanna Moodie, Letters of a Lifetime, eds. Carl Ballstadt, Elizabeth Hopkins, and Michael Peterman (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1985), p. 57. (Moodie 1985)

  19. 19.

    To James Bird, 9 April 1831, Moodie, Letters of a Lifetime, p. 60. Strickland continues: ‘I refer you, my dear Bard, to the four several descriptions of the speed of our hero and heroine’s horses. The Earl of Stadbrooke would give half his estate for such a brace of racers. Your thoughts my friend often outspeed the wind, the lightening, the shooting stars and meteors, but I don’t see why your horses’ legs should perform miracles to keep pace with the vivid imagination of their Master’.

  20. 20.

    In her preface to the Narrative, Strickland writes, ‘While Mary’s narrative shews the disgusting character of colonial slavery, this little tale explains with equal force the horrors in which it originates’ (41).

  21. 21.

    S. Strickland, Negro Slavery described by a Negro; being the Narrative of Ashton Warner, a Native of St Vincent’s; with an Appendix containing the Testimony of Four Christian Ministers Recently Returned from the Colonies on the System of Slavery as it now exists (London: Samuel Maunder, 1831), p. 15. (Strickland 1831)

  22. 22.

    Narrative of Ashton Warner, p. 43, note.

  23. 23.

    Narrative of Ashton Warner, p. 17.

  24. 24.

    John Marrant, A Narrative of the Life of John Marrant of New York in North America; Giving an Account of His Conversion When Only 14 Years of Age (Halifax: J. Nicholson, 1813), p. v. (Marrant 1813)

  25. 25.

    James Ramsay, An Essay on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies (London: James Phillips, 1784), p. 248. (Ramsay 1784)

  26. 26.

    Philip Gould, Barbaric Traffic: Commerce and Antislavery in the Eighteenth-century Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), p. 68. (Gould 2003)

  27. 27.

    William Shenstone, ‘Elegy XX’, Poetical Works of Will [sic] Shenstone, volume 1 (London: Joseph Wenman, 1780), p. 103. (Shenstone 1780)

  28. 28.

    William Wordsworth, Preface to Lyrical Ballads (1800), Prose Works, volume 1, eds. W.J.B. Owen and Jane Worthington Smyser (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), pp. 118, 124. (Wordsworth 1974)

  29. 29.

    Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself (London: Printed for the Author, [1789]), p. iii. (Equiano 1789)

  30. 30.

    Equiano, Interesting Narrative, p. iv.

  31. 31.

    Monthly Review (June 1789): 551.

  32. 32.

    Ottobah Cugoano, Narrative of the Enslavement of Ottobah Cugoano, a Native of Africa; Published by Himself in the Year 1787, an Appendix to The Negro’s Memorial, or, Abolitionist’s Catechism (London: Hatchard and Co., and J. and A. Arch, 1825), p. 120. (Cugoano 1825)

  33. 33.

    Sara Salih, ‘The History of Mary Prince, the Black Subject and the Black Canon’, Discourses of Slavery and Abolition, p. 130.

  34. 34.

    Narrative of Ashton Warner, p. 44. The presence of the author in person was a form of surety for the authenticity of the works. Frank Shuffelton says of Phillis Wheatley: ‘Because doubts had been raised about the authenticity of her writings, her presence was useful to her publisher, no doubt, to establish her credentials as well as to generate interest in the book that was in the press’, ‘On her Own Footing: Phillis Wheatley in Freedom’, Genius in Bondage: Literature of the Early Black Atlantic, eds. Vincent Carretta and Philip Gould (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001), p. 175. (Shuffelton 2001)

  35. 35.

    Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, ed. Angela Costanzo (Peterborough, CA: Broadview, 2004), Appendix A, p. 260; The Monthly Review (June 1789): 551. (Equiano 2004)

  36. 36.

    Shirley, Preface, A Narrative, p. iii.

  37. 37.

    Vincent Carretta, ‘Olaudah Equiano: African British Abolitionist and Founder of the African American Slave Narrative’, The Cambridge Companion to the African American Slave Narrative, ed. Audrey Fisch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 54. (Carretta 2007)

  38. 38.

    Boyrereau was perhaps responsible for the material described in the sub-title as ‘an Account of the Kingdom of Bow-Woo, in the Interior of Africa; with the Climate and Natural Productions, Laws, and Customs Peculiar to That Place; with an Account of His Captivity, Sufferings, Sales, Travels, Emancipation, Conversion to the Christian Religion, Knowledge of the Scripture’; Prentiss for the ‘Strictures on Slavery, Speculative Observations on the Qualities of Human Nature, with Quotation from Scripture’ (St. Albans, Vt.: Harry Whitney, 1810).

  39. 39.

    To James Bird, 9 April 1831, Moodie, Letters of a Lifetime, p. 60.

  40. 40.

    To James Bird, late January 1831, Moodie, Letters of a Lifetime, p. 57

  41. 41.

    John Jea, The Life, History, and Unparalleled Sufferings of John Jea, the African Preacher; Compiled and Written by Himself (‘Printed by the author, n.d.), p. 95. (Jea n.d.)

  42. 42.

    To James Bird, late January 1831, Moodie, Letters of a Lifetime, p. 57. In keeping with the orientation of Canadian treatments of Strickland/Moodie, the editors give no footnote to indicate who the subject of the work might be.

  43. 43.

    On 21 February 1833, Pringle sued the editor of Blackwood’s Magazine who had described him as ‘taking that wretched tool, Mary Prince, from the wash-tub to the closet’, The Times, 22 February 1833, p. 4. On 27 February 1833, Mr Wood sued him for the way the Woods were represented in the History. Pringle ‘pleaded, besides the general issue, a justification to the greater part of the declaration’, The Times, 1 March 1833, p. 6. In a ‘Sketch’ of Pringle’s life Leitch Ritchie describes the Blackwood’s attack as ‘composed of the vulgar and silly blackguardism that usually distinguishes, in our civilised age, political partisanship, and confers upon the partisan the air of a common street ruffian’, The Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, with a Sketch of his Life by Leitch Ritchie (London: Edward Moxon, 1838), p. civ. (Pringle 1838). Pringle carefully exempts the Anti-Slavery Society from culpability for the contents of the History in his preface where he states they ‘have no concern whatever with this publication, nor are they in any degree responsible for the statements it contains’ (iv). See Sue Thomas, ‘Pringle v. Cadell and Wood v. Pringle: the Libel Trials over The History of Mary Prince’, Journal of Commonwealth Literature, 40: 1 (2005): 113–35. (Thomas 2005)

  44. 44.

    Moodie, Voyages, p. 227.

  45. 45.

    Misao Dean, ‘Susanna Moodie’, Encyclopedia of Post-Colonial Literatures in English, eds. E. Benson and L.W. Conolly (London: Routledge, 1994), p. 1037. (Dean 1994)

  46. 46.

    Ferguson says in a footnote that Pringle ‘spent many years in South Africa…where he espoused traditional white supremacist attitudes towards Africans, evident in his published poetry’, Moira Ferguson, Subject to Others: British Women Writers and Colonial Slavery, 1670–1834 (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 376, footnote 25. (Ferguson 1992)

  47. 47.

    Ferguson, Subject to Others, pp. 281–98; p, 379, footnote 47. Strickland mentions her part in Prince’s ‘pathetic little history in a letter to James Bird (see pp. 16–17), describes herself as Prince’s ‘Biographer’ in another letter (see p. 13), and describes admitting to being the author of ‘that canting tract’ in a sketch in ‘Trifles from the Burthen of Life’ (see p. 17). Prince’s evidence in Wood v. Pringle, 27 February 1833, states ‘The History of Her Life Was Written Down by Miss Strickland at Her (the Witness’s) Request’, The Times, 1 March 1833, p. 6.

  48. 48.

    Ferguson, Subject to Others, pp. 298, 284.

  49. 49.

    Susanna Moodie, The Work of Words: the Writing of Susanna Strickland Moodie, ed. John Thurston (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1996), p. 59. (Moodie 1996)

  50. 50.

    Gould, Barbaric Traffic, p. 145.

  51. 51.

    Salih, ‘The History of Mary Prince, the Black Subject and the Black Canon’, Discourses of Slavery and Abolition, p. 134.

  52. 52.

    To James Bird, 9 April 1831, Moodie, Letters of a Lifetime, p. 60.

  53. 53.

    To James Bird, 11 November 1829, Moodie, Letters of a Lifetime, p. 44. The assertion by Ballstadt et al. (Letters of a Lifetime, p. 16) that this affiliation did not last, as demonstrated by her marriage in an Anglican church, St Pancras, in April 1831 is challenged by John Thurston: ‘It would not be possible for her to get married in a Congregational chapel in 1831’ as such places were not licenced for weddings until the civil register was established in 1836, Voyages: Short Narratives of Susanna Moodie, ed. John Thurston (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1991), p. 17. (Moodie 1991)

  54. 54.

    Thurston, Work of Words, p. 20.

  55. 55.

    To Mary Russell Mitford, 31 July 1829, Letters of a Lifetime, pp. 38–9.

  56. 56.

    Strickland, Narrative of Ashton Warner, pp. 6–7.

  57. 57.

    To John Fairburn, July 1834, Meiring, Thomas Pringle, p. 168.

  58. 58.

    Narrative of Ashton Warner, p. 139.

  59. 59.

    The Times (1 March 1833): 6.

  60. 60.

    The report describes ‘lettered instruction the knowledge of reading’ and explains ‘They acquire it in Sunday Schools, which are chiefly attended by adult slaves, and they carry it home and spread it diligently’. The Reporter says that its source considers that ‘[w]ith respect to the provident or improvident use of money, he thought them pretty much like the peasantry of other countries, but considerably less given to intoxication than the peasantry of Scotland, and infinitely less than the soldiery that go out to the colonies, the mortality among whom is attributed to their fondness for spirits,’ The Anti-slavery Reporter, 5: 13 (31 December 1832): 321, 338.

  61. 61.

    Moodie, Voyages, pp. 227–8.

  62. 62.

    Mrs [Sarah] Trimmer, The Charity School Spelling Book; Part One, Containing the Alphabet, Spelling Lessons, and Short Stories of Good and Bad Boys, in Words of One Syllable Only; and Short Stories of Good and Bad Girls, in Words of One Syllable Only, new edition, (London: F.C. and J. Rivington, 1810) (Trimmer 1810). Part Two is subtitled Containing Words Divided into Syllables; Lessons with Scriptural Names, etc. and contains advanced lessons, with reading exercises of animal fables and Bible stories.

  63. 63.

    Thomas Laqueur, Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working Class Culture, 1780–1850 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), p. 191. (Laqueur 1976)

  64. 64.

    Trimmer, Charity School Spelling Book; Part One, p. 16.

  65. 65.

    Trimmer, Charity School Spelling Book; Part One, p. 17.

  66. 66.

    Trimmer, Charity School Spelling Book; Part One, pp. 34–5.

  67. 67.

    Trimmer, Charity School Spelling Book; Part Two, pp. 19–20.

  68. 68.

    Trimmer, Charity School Spelling Book; Part One, p. 34.

  69. 69.

    Trimmer, Charity School Spelling Book; Part One, p. 32.

  70. 70.

    Gould, ‘The Rise, Development, and Circulation of the Slave Narrative’, Cambridge Companion to the Slave Narrative, p. 13.

  71. 71.

    Moore, ‘The Black Slave Trade’, p. 381.

  72. 72.

    Dwight A. McBride, Impossible Witnesses: Truth, Abolitionism, and Slave Testimony (New York: New York UP, 2007), p. 94. (McBride 2007)

  73. 73.

    Markman Ellis, The Politics of Sensibility: Race, Gender and Commerce in the Sentimental Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996), p. 2. (Ellis 1996)

  74. 74.

    Ellis, Politics of Sensibility, p. 3.

  75. 75.

    Ellis, Politics of Sensibility, p. 49.

  76. 76.

    Trimmer, Charity School Spelling Book; Part One, pp. 21–2.

  77. 77.

    Susanna Strickland (now Mrs Moodie), ‘An Appeal to the Free’, Enthusiasm; and Other Poems (London: Smith, Elder, 1831), p. 78 (Strickland 1831). The volume is dedicated to James Montgomery, the poet and preacher. Cedrick May writes that ‘throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth century, the word enthusiasm had pejorative connotations’, Evangelism and Resistance in the Black Atlantic, 1760–1835 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2008), p. 18. (May 2008). The volume was reviewed by La Belle Assemblée, to which Strickland had been a regular contributor, who noted that ‘with many of its brightest gems and sweetest flowers the pages of La Belle Assemblée have already been enriched’ but felt that ‘[a] great portion of this volume, but, in our view, by far the least interesting, the least effective and meritorious in point of talent, is of a religious cast’, La Belle Assemblée, or Court and Fashionable Magazine, XIV (July–December 1831): 36.

  78. 78.

    Narrative of the Enslavement of Ottobah Cugoano, pp. 124–5.

  79. 79.

    Gillian Whitlock, ‘Volatile Subjects: The History of Mary Prince’, Genius in Bondage: Literature of the Early Black Atlantic, eds. Vincent Carretta and Philip Gould (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001), p. 76. (Whitlock 2001)

  80. 80.

    Salih, ‘The History of Mary Prince, the Black Subject and the Black Canon’, Discourses of Slavery and Abolition, p. 125.

  81. 81.

    Narrative of Ashton Warner, p. 15.

  82. 82.

    Narrative of Ashton Warner, p. 7.

  83. 83.

    Northanger Abbey, chapter 5.

  84. 84.

    Catherine Moreland is exercising her imagination ‘over the pages of Udolpho, lost from all worldly concerns of dressing and dinner, incapable of soothing Mrs. Allen’s fears on the delay of an expected dressmaker, and having only one minute in sixty to bestow even on the reflection of her own felicity, in being already engaged for the evening’, Northanger Abbey, chapter 7.

  85. 85.

    Mary Shelley, Frankenstein, introduction.

  86. 86.

    Salih, ‘The History of Mary Prince, the Black Subject and the Black Canon’, Discourses of Slavery and Abolition, p. 132.

  87. 87.

    Gillian Whitlock, The Intimate Empire: Reading Women’s Autobiography (London: Cassell, 2000), p. 21. (Whitlock 2000)

  88. 88.

    Note to ‘The Bechuana Boy’, Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, p. 72. A letter, recipient not given, quoted by Leitch Ritchie in the memoir contained in this volume, expresses the same feelings in slightly different language, p. cxliii-cxliv. The final stanza of ‘The Bechuana Boy’ is: ‘We took him for “our own.’”/ And One, with woman’s gentle art,/ Unlocked the fountains of his heart;/ And love gushed forth – till he became/ Her Child in every thing but name’, p. 8.

  89. 89.

    Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, p. cxliv.

  90. 90.

    Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, p. cxliii.

  91. 91.

    Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, note, p. 72.

  92. 92.

    Pringle writes, ‘The poor dear boy, whose history suggested those verses [i.e., ‘The Bechuana Boy’], was received by me as a little servant for Mrs P., to whom he speedily became most affectionately attached; but as his intellect and disposition unfolded themselves, he exhibited so much amiable and excellent feeling, and good sense and delicacy, that he became to us rather a chid than a menial attendant’, Poetical Works, p. cxliii.

  93. 93.

    Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, p. cxliii–iv. Ritchie does not give the name of the recipient of the letter. Marossi was baptised in 1827 and died eighteen months later of ‘a pulmonary complaint’, The Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, note, p. 72.

  94. 94.

    Pringle v. Cadell, Court of Common Pleas, 21 February 1833; The Times, 22 February 1833, p. 4.

  95. 95.

    Morning Chronicle, 22 February 1833, p. 4. The article continues: ‘It was but a great criterion of the respectability of the female branches of Mr Pringle’s family who consented to live in such a hotbed of immorality’.

  96. 96.

    Pringle, ‘The Bechuana Boy’, African Sketches (London: Edward Moxon, 1834), pp. 1–8. (Pringle 1834)

  97. 97.

    African Sketches, note, p. 501. In a letter of 29 August 1829 Pringle writes: ‘I have not adhered strictly to his real story in every point, and have represented him as rather older than he was, and capable of more deep feeling and reflection than he appeared to possess when he first came under my charge, though not more than what he attained before he died. The destruction of his tribe and kindred, and his being sold to a boor, &c., are all as he related; but the springbok, and his mode of joining us, are poetical licenses’, Poetical Works, p. cxliv. In the poem the child speaks ‘in the language of his race’; in the notes describing the actual encounter, Pringle reports that Marossi said, ‘Ik ben alleenig in de waereld’ ‘in his broken Dutch’, African Sketches, note, p. 501. The child in the poem is older than Marossi was, ‘though not more than what he had attained before he died’, and what Pringle describes as ‘his mode of joining us’ was in actuality different, Poetical Works, p. cxliv.

  98. 98.

    The Poetical Works of Thomas Pringle, p. cxliii.

  99. 99.

    South African Library, Cape Town, MSB 393, 1 (8), ‘Thomas Pringle’; see Peter Anderson, ‘Home Truths: Samuel Taylor Coleridge Advises Thomas Pringle’, The Coleridge Bulletin, new series, 28 (Winter 2006): 26 (Anderson 2006b). Coleridge suggested Pringle change the line, ‘“I have no kindred!” said the boy’ to ‘“I have no Home” replied the boy’. Anderson (27) writes: ‘Pringle went with his suggestion, though he dropped Coleridge’s characteristic (and here significant) capital “H”’.

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Stafford, J. (2016). ‘The Genuine Stamp of Truth and Nature’: Voicing The History of Mary Prince. In: Colonial Literature and the Native Author. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-38767-3_4

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