Abstract
This paper investigates ‘Roger Bacon’s two Circles of Scholars.’ First, it looks at the Sapientes Antiqui. These are the older wise scholars that Bacon claims to have seen (Nam vidimus). He associates these scholars with Oxford and Lincoln. The main texts for Bacon’s chronology are re-examined. The claim is made that Bacon’s knowledge of languages, especially Greek, owes much to Grosseteste’s inspired language project. Bacon’s knowledge of Perspectiva was achieved at Oxford. It is argued that while Bacon most likely returned from Paris to Oxford c. 1248, he remained there for a short period. He is in Paris in 1251 and again 1253–1256. Secondly this chapter examines Bacon’s texts in regard to his relationship with Cardinal Guy le Gros de Folque, Pope Clement IV, 1265–1268, and with the Sapientes moderni at Paris. Thirdly, a re-examination of the application of mathematics to nature, history, church and state is outlined. Emphasis is placed on the way in which science is morally (Moraliter) interpreted by Bacon in Opus maius, Parts IV–VII. Lastly, Bacon’s concern with mathematics is placed in the context of the world situation in the mid-thirteenth century. Influenced by concerns with the East, Bacon’s interest in the applications of mathematics is practical. His interest in translators is professionally serious. He was one of the first at Paris c. 1267 to notice the deficiencies of Moerbecke’s early attempts at translating Aristotle’s Meteorology. Bacon must be seen as one of the early Franciscan critics of the Dominican tradition and as one who had a close connection with the young John Pecham.
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- 1.
TLS Review, March 28, 2003, 30: ‘Every hero becomes a bore at last,’ said Emerson. Roger Bacon could never have been called a bore, but the question is whether he qualifies as a hero. To our Victorian fore-bearers, this eclectic thirteenth-century Franciscan Friar was the true founder of experimental science, and Brian Clegg is determined to put him back on that pedestal, with a suitably updated label, ‘the West’s first true scientist.’
- 2.
See the recent and forthcoming work (Johnson2012). See also below nn. 59, 60. Bacon.
- 3.
Speaking about the Iuvenis Iohannes, Bacon speaks of his in different contexts as puer, iuvenis, asolescens.
- 4.
See Dodd (1982) on the difficulties in establishing these dates for the teaching of Aristotle at Oxford.
- 5.
The Secretum secretorum is a work that offers advice on statecraft and in the thirteenth century was thought to have been written by Aristotle for Alexander the Great, when in fact, it was a mid-twelfth century Latin translation of the tenth century Arabic work Kitab sir al-asrar.
- 6.
Alain de Libera, however says that it is ‘probable’ that the work was given a final redaction in Oxford around 1250, and mention of a redaction implies an earlier and initial composition at Paris. De Libera sees it as an Oxford influenced work presented at Paris, between 1245 and 50. See xvii–xxii for a discussion of a possible argument by Bacon on this matter c. 1252.
- 7.
The association of Nicholas and Peter Bacon with this small graduate household, and Nicholas’s presumed ownership of a copy of the treatises of Avicenna and other Arab Philosophers invite speculation whether Nicholas and Peter may not have been related to the distinguished contemporary bearing their surname, Fr. Roger Bacon, O. F. M., among whose many interests, the works of these philosophers were certainly one. Emden is of the view that Master Nicholas Bacon may have been the ‘same man as Nicholas Bacon, clerk, who was instituted in 1244 or 1245 by Bishop Grosseteste as rector of the moiety of Stoke Rochford, Lincolnshire.’ Also, A. G. Little had suggested that the Master Thomas Bacon who was suggested by Adam Marsh O. F. M. as a socius to Richard Rufus of Cornwall O. F. M. in 1252 may have been a brother of Roger Bacon.
- 8.
On the dating of De aspectibus, see Smith (2001). Commenting on the dispute about dating, Smith notes: ‘The earliest incontestable evidence for its circulation is to be found in Bartholomeus Anglicus’ De proprietatibus rerum, where De aspectibus is quoted several times. This work probably dates to the late 1240s.
- 9.
Hirsch points to the close connection between Bacon’s Greek Grammar and the treatment of etymologies in the 1271 Compendium studii philosophiae.
- 10.
Sed laboravi per annos decem [on theDe multiplicatione specierum], quantumcunque potui vacare, et discussi Omnia ut potui, redigens in scriptum a tempore mandate vestre. [This raises another issue. Elsewhere, Bacon states that he began teaching the Young John some six or seven years ago, after he received the first Mandatum from Cardinal Le Gros de Foulque. It would follow from his statement about the ongoing work on species that either the mandate was given in 1258 or he continued working on the text for ten years after 1261. At any rate, it clearly shows that he did these works for the Cardinal, later Pope Clement IV, in his spare time from his normal duties as a Franciscan Friar.
- 11.
See Bériou (1986). This work reference to a De antichristo by Pierre de Limoges, who was a Master in Arts at Paris, and then, a theologian, in the 1260s indicates that he had with Roger Bacon a common concern with astronomy/astrology.
- 12.
See note 34 above.
- 13.
See Newhauser (2012) Introduction, xi–xxiii for Peter’s reliance on both Roger Bacon and John Pecham, but especially, Peter’s use of part three of Bacon’s Perspectiva. Quite significant here is the fact that Peter nowhere mentions Bacon by name.
- 14.
See Hackett (1998). I have prepared an edition of this text and am working on a translation of this text.
- 15.
Might it not have been the case that it was Bacon’s intention by means of his works for Pope Clement IV to influence the progress of science at the Papal Studium in Viterbo. As we will see below, the influence of his works there in the mid-1270s has been acknowledged by David C. Lindberg.
- 16.
For the beginning of this account of experience in Roger Bacon, see Hackett (2008–2009).
- 17.
Ibid., Aristoteles Latinus, X, MeteorologicaTranslatio Guillelmi De Morbeka, 2.1: 349–350.
- 18.
Idem, Wisdom has built her house: she has set up her seven pillars: Roger Bacon, Franciscan Wisdom, and the Conversion to the Sciences, (forthcoming) (see also Johnson 2014).
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Appendix
Appendix
Conflicting Chronologies:
[Text 1] Opus Tertium, ed. Brewer, pp. 65–67: Multum laboravi in scientiis et linguis, et posui jam quadraginta annos postquam didici primo alphabetum, et fui semper studiosus; et praeter duos annos de istis quadraginta fui semper in studio; et habui expensas multas, sicut alii communiter…. Similiter de figuris et numeris in geometria et arithmetica, sine quibus nihil sciri potest de potestate philosophiae, ut opera quae scripsi probant…Nam hoc est alphabetum philosophiae; ut nunquam possit homo aliquid dignum scire, postquam harum scientiarum ignorant potestatem. Et hoc factum est contra dies Antichristi, ut tollatur tota sapientia philosophiae, et per consequens theologiae quantum est in expositione Scripturae. Nam textus ipse, et expositiones sanctorum sunt plenae numeris, et figuris, et caeteris mathematicis consequentibus ad haec, ut ego probo in Majori Opere, comparando mathematicam ad theologiam …Et scitis figuris et numeris possumus omnia scire de facili; quia tota sapientia exit ab eis sicut a radicibus, et per haec declaratur, sicut patet ex iis quae mitto.
[Text 2] Ibid. 58–59: Quarta ratio est propter meipsum, quia jam a iuventute laboravi in scientiis, et linguis, et omnibus praedictis multipliciter; et collegi multa utilia, et ordinavi de personis. Nam quaesivi amicitiam omnium sapientum inter Latinos, et feci juvenes instrui in linguis,et figuris, et numeris, et tabulis, et instrumentis, et in multis necessariis. Et examinavi omnia quae hic necessaria sunt, et scio qualiter procedendum est, et quibus auxiliis, et quae sunt impedimenta; sed non possum procedere propter defectum expensarum praedictarum.
Nam per viginti annos quibus specialiter laboravi in studio sapientiae, neglecto sensu vulgi, plus quam duo millia librarum ego posui in his, propter libros secretos, et experientias varias, et linguas, et instrumenta, et tabulas, et alia, tum ad quaerendum amicitias sapientum, tum propter instruendos adjutores in linguis, in figuris, in numeris, et tabulis, et instrumentis, et multis aliis.
[Texts 3] Compendium studii theologiae, ed. Maloney, 46: Nam Beatus Edmundus, Cantuariae Archiepiscopus, primus legit Oxoniae librum Elenchorum temporibus meis: et vidi magistrum Hugonem, quo primo legit librum Posteriorum, et librum eius conspexi.”
Tractatus de experiential in communi, ed. Hackett, p. 293: “Nam in translatione libri “Meteorologicorum” pervulgata apud Latinos usque nunc, dicitur quod a radiis lunae non sit iris nisi bis in quinquaginta annis et maxime naturalis et perspectivus quem vidi voluit et hoc verum salvare et causam eius reddere dum eius auditor a iuventute fueram constitutus.
[Text 4] Ibid., Unde quando per tentationem et derisionem aliqui Minores praesumtuose quaesiverunt a fratre Adam, “Quid est intellectus agens?” Respondit, “Corvus Eliae”; volens per hoc dicere quod fuit Deus vel Angelus. Sed noluit exprimere, quia tentando et non propter sapientiam quaesiverunt.”
[Text 5] A. G. Little, Roger Bacon Life and Works (1914), 2–3.
[Text 6] Compendium studii philosophiae, ed. Brewer, 468: Sic translatae sunt et scientiae communes, ut logica, naturalis philosophia, mathematica, ut nullus mortalis possit aliquid dignum de eis intelligere veraciter, sicut ego expertus sum omnino.
[Text 6a] Opus tertium, ed. Brewer, 139: Si igitur dignetur vestra gloria considerare quae nunc scribo, et in Primo Opere, poteritis conferre cum omni geometro et naturali, et neminem inveniretis qui vobis resistet. Adolescens quidem vobis in his omnibus poterit respondere, quia docui eum omnia, quae sunt de istis figurationibus corporum.
Sed fere viginti anni sunt quod egi intra principia multa magistrorum novorum de hac materia; sed nullus unquam inventus est in tota universitate qui terminos ipsos intelligeret; et ideo pluries feci lectionem magistri novi de veritate quod Aristoteles, et Averroes narrant, cum expositione vocabulorum, et tamen nullus potuit disputationi respondere.
[Text 7] Compendium studii theologiae, ed. Maloney, 87: Et optime novi pessimum et stultissimum istorum errorum <auctorem>, qui vocatus est Richardus Cornubiensis, famosissimus apud stultam multitudinem etc.
[Text 8] Opus tertium, ed. Brewer, 30–31: “Quod philosophia jam data sit Latinis, et completa, et composita in lingua Latina, et est facta in tempore meo et vulgata Parisius, et pro auctore allegatur compositor ejus. Nam sicut Aristoteles, Avicenna, et Averroes allegantur in scholis sic et ipse: et adhuc vivit et habuit in vita sua auctoritatem, quod nunquam homo habuit in doctrina. …et de errore vulgi decepti per eum…Sed iste per modum authenticum scripsit libros suos, et ideo totum vulgus insanum allegat eum Parisius sicut Aristotelem, aut Avicennam, aut Averroem, et alios auctores.
[Text 9] Opus maius III, ed. Bridges 88–89: “Nam vidimus aliquos de antiquis qui laboraverunt in linguis sicut fuit dominus Robertus praefatus translator et episcopus, et Thomas venerabilis ansistes Sancti David nuper defunctus, et frater Adam de Marisco et Magister Hermannus translator, et quidem alii sapientes.
Compendiuim studii philosophiae, ed. Brewer, 428: “Ita quod totaliter dimiserunt vias antiquorum sapientum, quorum aliquos vidimus nostri temporibus; scilicet, dominum Robertum, quondam episcopumLincolniensem, sanctae memoriae, et dominum Thomam, episcopum Sancti David in Wallia, et fratrem Adam de Marisco, et Magister Robertum de Marisco, et Magistros Willelmum Lupum, et Willielmum de Schyrewode, et aliquos alios eis similes, quorum vestigia moderni saeculares omnino dimiserunt.
[Text 10] Opus tertium, ed. Brewer, 37: Haec autem scientia non est adhuc lecta Parisius, nec apud Latinos, nisi bis Oxoniae in Anglia…
[Text 11] Compendium studii philosophiae,, ed. Brewer, 430–465, and elsewhere. See S. A. Hirsch, ed. Bacon’s Greek and Hebrew Grammar (OHI, Steele).
[Text 12] Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera, ed. Brewer, p. 1. [Text 13] Card. Gasquet Fragment, 500: “Unde Raymundus de Lauduno qui vestre clementine locutus est de scripturis meis meum propositum nullatenus intellexit. Magnificentie quidem vestre innotuit ut utramque mandatum pretendit quod precepto fui obligatus artissimo ne scritum in hoc statu a me factum communicarem, sicut et nostra tota congegatio firmiter noscitur obligari, et ideo componere penitus aborrebam. Nam componi nihil potuit nisi scriptoribus traderetur, qui vellem nollem transcriberent pro ipsis vel amicis, et sic communicarent omnibus ut pluries vidi scripta secretissima per fraudem divulgari scriptorium, et inciderem in conscientiam de transgressione precept.
Praeterea cum non potui communicare amicis meis carissimis et coadiutoribus necessariis since quibus nichil possum, neglexi compositioni insistere scripturarum.
[Text 14] Anthony à Wood, Historia et Antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis, 138: “Prelati enim et fratres me jejuniis macerantes tuto custodiebant, nec aliquem ad me venire voluerunt, veriti ne scripta mea aliis quam summum pontifici et sibi ipsis pervenirent. This is corroborated by his remarks in Opus tertium, ed. Brewer, 15: “Et primum impedimentum fuit per eos, qui mihi praefuerunt, quibus cum nihil scripsistis in excusationem meam, et eis non potui revelare vestrum secretum…,
[Text 15] Perspectiva, ed. Lindberg, 324–325: Et dictum est quod ad visionem exigitur non solum ut fiat intus suscipiendo, sed extramittendo et cooperando per virtutem et speciem propriam. Similiter et visio spiritualis non solum requirit ut anima recipiat ab extra, scilicet a Deo gratias et virtutes, sed cooperetur per virtutem propriam. Nam motus liberi arbitrii et consensus requiruntur cum gratia Dei ad hoc ut videamus et consequamur statum salutis. See R. Newhauser, “Inter scientiam et populum,” 702 for Peter of Limoges’s uses of this text from Bacon.
[Text 16] Compendiium studii philosophiae, ed. Brewer, “Et sic de aliis. Maxime iste Willelmus Flemingus qui nunc floret. Cum tamen notum est omnibus Parisius literatis, quod nullam novit scientiam in lingua Graeca, de qua presumit. Et ideo omnia transfert falsa et corrumpit sapientiam Latinorum. Solus enim Boethiius scivit de omnibus interpretationibus linguas sufficienter. Solus dominus Robertus, propter longitudinem vitae et vias mirabiles quibus usus est, prae aliis hominibus scivit scientias; quia Graecum et Hebraeum non scivit sufficienter ut per se transferret, sed habuit multos adjutores. Omnes autem alii ignoraverunt linguas et scientias et maxime hic Willelmus Flemingus, qui nihil novit dignum neque in scientiis neque in linguis; tamen omnes translationes factas promisit immutare et novas cudere varias. Sed eas VIDIMUS et SCIMUS esse omnino erroneas et vitandas.
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Hackett, J. (2016). From Sapientes antiqui at Lincoln to the New Sapientes moderni at Paris c. 1260–1280: Roger Bacon’s Two Circles of Scholars. In: Cunningham, J.P., Hocknull, M. (eds) Robert Grosseteste and the pursuit of Religious and Scientific Learning in the Middle Ages. Studies in the History of Philosophy of Mind, vol 18. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33468-4_7
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