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Symbolic Legislation: An Essentially Political Concept

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Symbolic Legislation Theory and Developments in Biolaw

Part of the book series: Legisprudence Library ((LEGIS,volume 4))

Abstract

Symbolic legislation commonly has a bad name. In critical sociological studies, it refers to instances of legislation that are to a large extent ineffective and that serve other political and social goals than the goals officially proclaimed. Since the nineties of the last century another concept of symbolic legislation is developed, in particular in Dutch legislation theory. In this more recent and more positive understanding, symbolic legislation is an alternative legislative technique that differs from the traditional top-down approach. The question that is addressed in this chapter, is whether there is a real – in the sense of epistemologically real – difference between the two concepts of symbolic legislation. On what grounds can the allegedly negative and positive concepts be differentiated from each other? Is it possible that one instance of legislation can be classified as symbolic legislation both in the negative sense and in the positive sense? Are they two sides of the same coin or do they constitute mutually exclusive categories? As will be shown, the distinction between the two concepts cannot be made on scientific grounds only, but involves considerations of a political kind.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Sections 2.2 and 2.3 are based on my PhD thesis (Van Klink 1998, chapter 2 and 3). On some points I have revised and updated the text (following Van Klink 2014). Moreover, I have added some examples from other contributions to this volume.

  2. 2.

    In this context, ‘political’ refers to the use or abuse of power by state officials for their own sake or their clientele’s at the cost of the common good. In Sect. 2.4, I develop a more general concept of the political (of which ‘dirty politics’ is just one particular instance).

  3. 3.

    The distinction between direct, indirect and independent effects I have borrowed from Griffiths (1978, 8–12).

  4. 4.

    As in the case of expressive legislation, see Sect. 2.3.

  5. 5.

    This research project started with the edited volume Witteveen, Van Seters and Van Roermund (1991).

  6. 6.

    I have borrowed this notion from Minow (1990, 294).

  7. 7.

    See Allott (1980, 33). Below, the notion of interpretative community will be explained.

  8. 8.

    Fish (1980, 171) uses the notion of ‘interpretative community’ in the context of literature studies and literary criticism. It is applied here to the legal and political sphere.

  9. 9.

    In his contribution, Hoeyer (Chap. 10) also points to the instrumental value of symbolic legislation: ‘(…) we need to appreciate the constitutive social effects of legal symbols, even when the laws as such do not seem to work as intended.’ See also Lembcke’s contribution (Chap. 6) on this point.

  10. 10.

    For a more detailed analysis of constitutive legislation, see Witteveen and Van Klink (1999, 130–133).

  11. 11.

    Cotterrell (1984, 57) uses the notion of ‘educational legislation’, whereas in Dutch legislation theory it used to be more common to speak of ‘mentality legislation’.

  12. 12.

    In hindsight, I consider these resemblances to be less superficial than I did while writing my PhD thesis. Now, I see them as indicative of the political nature of the distinction between the two concepts of symbolic legislation (see Sect. 2.4).

  13. 13.

    For a general introduction to the interactive legislative approach, see Poort (2013, Chaps. 1 and 3) and Van der Burg (2014). See also Van der Burg’s contribution to this volume (Chap. 3).

  14. 14.

    According to Fuller (1969, 63), clarity of the law is one of the requirements of good law making. In his view, this does not rule out the possibility of using standards such as ‘good faith’ and ‘due care’ in the text of the law: ‘Sometimes the best way to achieve clarity is to take advantage of, and to incorporate into the law, common sense standards of judgment that have grown up in the ordinary life outside legislative halls.’ However, this does not mean that the legislator can ‘always safely delegate his task to the courts or to special administrative tribunals’ (Fuller 1969, 64).

  15. 15.

    On the compatibility between the interactive approach and the requirements of the Rule of Law, see further Van der Burg’s contribution (Chap. 3).

  16. 16.

    That is, the power in both senses of capacity and competency to create or maintain order within a certain social domain through the use of law or other means.

  17. 17.

    This point is also discussed in the introduction (Chap. 1, Sect. 2.2).

  18. 18.

    This metaphor is introduced in Van der Burg and Ippel (1994). On the relation between law and morality from an interactive perspective, see also Van der Burg (2003).

  19. 19.

    See also the introduction (Chap. 1, Sect. 2.2).

  20. 20.

    The phrase is taken from Ricœur’s famous book title (Ricœur 1974).

  21. 21.

    Edelman (1988) frequently speaks of politics as a ‘spectacle’ in which citizens are assigned the role of mere spectators.

  22. 22.

    Jellinek already pointed out that law not only serves an instrumental function by establishing order, but it also possesses a symbolic dimension in that it gives expression to the self-understanding of a given society. In its symbolic dimension law has, according to Jellinek, an orientational function (see Lembcke and Van Klink forthcoming). Van der Burg (2005) also argues that legislation in general serves both functions.

  23. 23.

    In Van Klink (2005, 2014) I provide a more extended evaluation of the communicative and interactive approach.

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van Klink, B. (2016). Symbolic Legislation: An Essentially Political Concept. In: van Klink, B., van Beers, B., Poort, L. (eds) Symbolic Legislation Theory and Developments in Biolaw. Legisprudence Library, vol 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33365-6_2

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