Abstract
Fertility levels have remained very low in Spain since the mid-1980s, implying a future rapid aging of the population. The stagnation of fertility levels is closely linked to the substantial changes in the welfare regime experienced during this period, involving shifts in the share of the cost of children between social institutions. While exchanges of care and financial support across generations are still high, including a prolonged coresidence of young adults with their parents, the role of households as providers of care and other services has substantially declined. The rapid increase in women’s labor-market participation has led the dual- full-time-earner family model to become the norm, although this trend has not been matched by a similar increase in men’s unpaid work. These processes have weakened the ability of households to provide care and have created a demand for both state intervention and market solutions. The resulting care gap has been partially filled by the expansion of non-family childcare, in which the state has had an important role both as provider and regulator of the market. At the same time, childcare within the family has been undermined by policies in the domains of parental leave, part-time opportunities, and child benefits/tax allowances that provide little support to parenthood. Moreover, labor-market deregulation, focused on the young, has brought with it an increase in uncertainty about income, leading to the postponement of family transitions and depressing fertility.
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Notes
- 1.
“A welfare regime can be defined as the combined, interdependent way in which welfare is produced and allocated between state, market, and family” (Esping-Andersen 1999, p. 35).
- 2.
“Reflexive modernization” refers to a change in the principles of industrial society involving an increased capacity for individuals to pursue personal autonomy and to construct their own identities rather than having those identities defined for them by societal norms and institutions (Giddens 1991).
- 3.
This means-tested cash benefit was introduced in 2008 and discontinued in 2010. It consisted of a subsidy for rented housing paid to young people (age 22–29). The amount paid was €210 (US $240 as of 15 May 2015) per month in 2010 (Ministerio de Vivienda 2010).
- 4.
Pension-system reform has also triggered a recurring political debate, again stimulated by EU policies.
- 5.
Both the lowest age at marriage (23.3) and at first birth for the whole 20th century were recorded around 1980 (Cabré 1989).
- 6.
Figures of definitive childlessness are likely to be underestimated, possibly by as much as 5 % of total births. According to Devolder et al. (2008), official registry data misclassify multiple births and unknown-order births, resulting in a wrong attribution of births by order. Demographic data used in this chapter come from the website of the National Institute of Statistics (INE 2014b) unless stated otherwise.
- 7.
Cohorts born in the 1930s and 1940s are relatively small in size due to low fertility and high infant mortality at that time.
- 8.
- 9.
The OECD average spending on education was 6.3 % of GDP, of which public spending accounted for 86 %, with important variations by country. Figures for France are 6.3 % (92 % public), Italy 4.5 % (92 % public), United Kingdom 6.0 % (88 % public), and Sweden 6.7 % (99 % public) (OECD 2013a).
- 10.
The expansion has particularly focused on general secondary education and university education, rather than on vocational training. This has resulted in a mismatch between qualifications and labor-market demand.
- 11.
Between the late 1970s and the mid-1990s, the last stage of the sectoral shift between employment in agriculture and in industry overlapped with a deep industrial crisis, resulting in high unemployment (Marimon and Zilibotti 1998). Furthermore, the timing of the opening to international markets in connection with accession to the European Community in 1986 unfortunately coincided with the arrival in the labor market of the baby-boom cohorts.
- 12.
Substantial shortages of workers in particular sectors appeared in the late 1990s in spite of unemployment rates above 15 %. Many new job vacancies were filled by immigrants, which favored wage moderation and the expansion of care-related jobs and domestic service.
- 13.
For instance, for the cohorts born in the 1960s, 75 % of women and 61 % of men left their parental home for the first time and stared their first married or unmarried cohabitation simultaneously (i.e., in the same month).
- 14.
Unmarried cohabitation usually takes place at a fairly late age and often starts simultaneously with departure from the parental home. In these respects, it is quite similar to marriage (Creighton et al. 2013). Living alone or independently from parents during young adulthood is much less common in Spain than in most European countries, a situation that does not facilitate entering cohabitation. For instance, in the mid-1990s, 16 % of men age 23–27 had left their parents’ home and 14 % were living with a partner. The corresponding figures for Italy were 13 and 9 %, for France 53 and 34 %, and for Sweden 100 and 23 % (Berthoud and Iacovou 2002).
- 15.
For comparison, in 2013 the activity rate for women age 25–49 was 67 % in Italy, 84 % in France, 83 % in Germany, 79 % in the United Kingdom, and 88 % in Sweden (Eurostat 2014).
- 16.
“Horizontal segregation is understood as under-(over-) representation of a given group in occupations or sectors, not ordered by any criterion and is often referred to as segregation tout court. Vertical segregation denotes the under-(over-) representation of the group in occupations or sectors at the top of an ordering based on ‘desirable’ attributes—income, prestige, job stability, etc.” (Bettio and Verashchagina 2009, p. 7).
- 17.
The 40-h work week limit was legally introduced in the early 1980s, but this limit is frequently not respected, as employers often require longer working hours from their employees. On the other hand, many sector agreements stipulate a 37.5-h week, most notably for public-sector employees.
- 18.
By comparison, the share of part-time work out of total women’s employment in 2013 was 32 % in Italy, 25 % in France, 47 % in Germany, 42 % in the United Kingdom, and 38 % in Sweden.
- 19.
Data on participation of children under three in preschool education or center-based care from the EU Survey on Income and Living Conditions provide a similar figure for 2011, at 39 % (European Commission 2014). Comparable figures from the same source are 44 % for France, 26 % for Italy, 24 % for Germany, and 51 % for Sweden.
- 20.
There are two types of childcare centers for young children: officially recognized schools (escuelas infantiles) and care centers (guarderias). The Spanish Education Law contains general principles and objectives that apply to schools for children from birth to age six. Regional governments are responsible for establishing more detailed educational programs and setting teacher’s qualifications and assessment methods for these schools (Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte 2014; European Commission 2014).
- 21.
The Ministry of Education does not specify how these averages are computed (Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte 2015). In particular, it does not specify whether weekly hours include lunch time and time spent by the children in childcare centers before and after school hours, but it is unlikely that these “extra” hours are included in the figures provided.
- 22.
According to the national Structure of Earning Survey of 2011, women’s median gross wage was €1400 (US $1603) per month and men’s was €1790 (US $2050) (INE 2014a). The minimum monthly wage set by national legislation for a full-time job was €645 (US $739) in 2013.
- 23.
According to the Ministry of Education, the region of Andalucia increased the enrollment rate of children under three from 6 to 24 % between 2007 and 2008 (Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte 2015).
- 24.
In the past few years, the waiting lists have shortened in many cities, most likely due to the economic crisis, price increases, and lower women’s employment (Aunión 2014).
- 25.
As of 2011, school hours were usually from 8:30 a.m. or 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m., with a break for lunch. Most schools provided lunch services (83 % of pre-primary schools and 73 % of primary schools) as well as childcare services outside school hours (Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte 2014).
- 26.
Self-employed mothers have had the right to some compensation since 2006 but did not achieve full equality with employees until 2014.
- 27.
This weak provision of leave entitlements, together with other social and fiscal policies providing little explicit support for the unpaid work of women, fits the “unsupported familism” described by Saraceno (1994) and the “implicit familialism” of Leitner (2003). These concepts no longer describe the situation in Spain, however, which has evolved since the late 1990s away from familism, both in terms of policies and in social behavior and ideologies. This can be seen, in particular, in the trends in women’s labor-market participation, the development of non-family childcare, the practical disappearance of the “family wage” linked to the increasing flexibility of the labor market, and the universalization of several key programs, including the pension and healthcare systems.
- 28.
The package provided to (formal-sector) employees included other entitlements for family members, such as healthcare and survivors’ pension. This policy stems from a “family wage” ideal (in which the male breadwinner earns enough to support the family) and legal gender discrimination in the labor market.
- 29.
The fiscal reform scheduled to be applied in 2015 foresees further increases in family deductions.
- 30.
The economic crisis that started in 2008, which hit Spain particularly hard, has created additional uncertainty with respect to future policy orientation.
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Baizan, P. (2016). The Policy Context of Fertility in Spain: Toward a Gender-Egalitarian Model?. In: Rindfuss, R., Choe, M. (eds) Low Fertility, Institutions, and their Policies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32997-0_8
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