Abstract
This chapter examines the medical care provided to high-risk pregnant women and to preterm newborns. In the U.S., this care often involves technologically focused interventions, including some that are of questionable effectiveness. The drivers of this maximalist approach to care are provider competition, an urge to action in response to cultural expectations that medical care can assure positive pregnancy outcomes, and commercial interest in increasing revenue by providing more goods and services. This chapter explores the consequences of this approach, in terms of system organization (over-capacity of NICUs and a fragmented maternal referral system), and high healthcare expenditures. Women’s experiences of high-risk pregnancies and families’ experiences once preterm infants are born are conditioned by shared cultural understandings and affected by the dynamics of the healthcare delivery system. The U.S. health care system, with its orientation toward healthcare as a business and the minimal decision-making role played by government entities, is quite different from the healthcare systems of Canada, Great Britain, and Western Europe. In these other settings, health care is publicly financed, and maternity care systems are more primary care focused and more systematically organized. This limits the overtreatment that sometimes occurs in the U.S. system, reduces practice variation, and orients care providers to pay more attention to the clinical value of treatments, but it can also mean that infants born prematurely have less immediate access to NICU care, relative to the U.S.
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Notes
- 1.
Even the public financing systems of Medicare and Medicaid and the insurance regulatory role of the Affordable Care Act are greatly influenced by the powerful political role of insurers and providers, and the rules and pricing approaches in these systems reflect the interests of these parties.
- 2.
The Affordable Care Act of 2010 includes provisions that move towards enforcing a social obligation for universal access through incentivizing states to expand Medicaid programs, mandating that individuals purchase health insurance and requiring that large employers offer health insurance to employees, while providing subsidies to individuals to reduce the costs of insurance plans. These are generally understood as individual benefits, rather than social obligations that one segment of U.S. society owes to another.
- 3.
Perkins (2008, p. 44) cites a Children’s Bureau report from 1926 which quotes the Director of Obstetrics at the University of Chicago as stating that the purpose of prenatal care was to get pregnant women away from midwives and into the medical system.
- 4.
James P. Reichmann, the author of this critical commentary of Home Uterine Activity Monitoring, is identified in the publication as having a Masters of Business Administration and being a former employee of Matria Healthcare, one of the HUAM manufacturers.
- 5.
As stated on the web pages of Blue Cross and Blue Shield of North Carolina and Mississippi, Premera Blue Cross of the Pacific Northwest, and Cigna Health.
- 6.
Obladen (2012) and Keirse (2004) both note that developments in high risk obstetrics and neonatology stalled in Europe between World War I and World War II, in part because many of the leading physicians involved were Jewish and were barred from professional positions, and because the Nazi ideology did not support the rescue of marginally viable infants.
- 7.
The term “neonatal intensive care” is used here to refer to all levels of these services. Some hospitals offer “special care” units with less immediately available technology and expertise, for use in cases where the newborn is relatively less compromised.
- 8.
The health planning movement was an effort to rationalize the distribution of health services in the United States by establishing local health planning agencies that would approve or disapprove the expansion of (primarily) hospital services based on documented population needs. Initially the activities were voluntary, but local planning was federally mandated in 1966. The federal mandate expired in the early 1980s with the ideological shift towards allowing market forces to determine the distribution of health care resources (Melhado 2006).
- 9.
The White House Conference on Children was held decennially beginning in 1909. The first conference, in 1909, marked the founding of the U.S. Children’s Bureau and federal government involvement in the field of maternal and child health. The 1970 conference was the last one convened.
- 10.
In fact, this had been observed by the obstetricians who developed the first incubators in Paris in the nineteenth century as well (Baker 1996).
- 11.
Philips writes that successful reports of prenatal steroid use were available in 1972, but “possibly because it was published in a pediatric journal, but also because a subsequent collaborative study published in an obstetrics journal provided a less conclusive response, it was several more years before the body of evidence convinced obstetricians to sign on to this remarkably beneficial adjunct in the care of a preterm infant” (Philip 2005, p. 804). The obstetrics consensus conference that recommended prenatal steroid use occurred in 1994.
- 12.
34 regions applied for Robert Wood Johnson funds to organize as perinatal regions, and the eight demonstration areas selected for funding in 1975 included Arizona, Cleveland, Dallas, parts of Los Angeles, the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and a 15 county area around Syracuse, New York.
- 13.
Most studies show that the most seriously compromised neonates have better survival rates when born in higher volume, more specialized settings (Chung et al. 2010; Cifuentes et al. 2002; Phibbs et al. 2007). However the threshold for this differentiation is difficult to identify and may change over time as neonatal technology improves. It is difficult to use observational data to examine neonatal outcomes by hospital characteristics, in part because such research must take into account the fact that more seriously compromised cases are selectively referred to larger centers. Some studies show that the quality of care provided in an NICU has more impact on birth outcomes than simply the patient volume in a unit (Lorch et al. 2010).
- 14.
Both legislation regulating the Medicare program and the Affordable Care Act of 2010 bar the U.S. government from evaluating the relative costs of different therapies or taking costs into account when making coverage decisions.
- 15.
Deanna Fei, mother of one of the infants in question, estimated based on insurance bills that she received for the three month NICU stay, that the costs were closer to $550,000 (Fei 2015, p. 274).
- 16.
In the latter half of the twentieth century, the paradigm of healthy lifestyle regulation restored some sense of individual culpability for sickness, and the adoption of identity politics and a consumerist model of patient empowerment modified somewhat the expectation that sick people would passively adhere to all physician instructions (Burnham 2012; Tomes 2006).
- 17.
In January 2014, a Texas case drew national attention when a hospital maintained a pregnant woman on life support for 8 weeks after she collapsed from a fatal blood clot. Texas law mandates that hospitals and physicians are prohibited from suspending “life sustaining treatment” for pregnant women, no matter what the patient or the family requests. In this case, the judge ordered the treatment terminated because it was determined not to be life sustaining, and the 22 week old fetus was documented as having severe developmental abnormalities (Morin 2014).
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Bronstein, J.M. (2016). The Health Care Dimension: Delivering Care for High-Risk Pregnant Women and Preterm Infants. In: Preterm Birth in the United States. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32715-0_5
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