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Villains, Victims and Bystanders in Financial Crime

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Financial Crimes: Psychological, Technological, and Ethical Issues

Abstract

White collar crime causes more pain to national economies, employees and investors than blue collar theft involving violence. Perhaps unsurprisingly, because that financial crime is often undertaken by well-educated, charming, softly spoken and socially adroit peers rather than by people who fit stereotypes about violent offenders, it has received less attention from psychologists and criminologists. This chapter considers the psychology of financial crime in terms of the criminals, their victims and bystanders such as government regulators and auditors who might be expected to prevent harms associated with figures such as Madoff, Maxwell and Stanford. It offers an overview of theories of what motivates the criminals, why some people are receptive to exploitation, and why systems of belief in gatekeeper institutions result in regulatory incapacity that inhibits effective risk identification and action to minimise that crime. The chapter highlights particular incidents since the 1880s, arguing that financial crime is a systemic problem that requires active management. It also argues that the psychology of financial crime is diverse, inducing caution about explanations purportedly enabling systematic prediction and prevention of large-scale offences.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Just one fraud committed by businessman Alan Bond was worth the same amount as all household burglary committed in Australia over 18 months (Job 1999).

  2. 2.

    The concept of ‘financial crime’ is discussed later in this chapter. The authors have relied on the expansive definition in the 2001 International Monetary Fund ‘Financial System Abuse, Financial Crime and Money Laundering’, which refers to “any non-violent crime that generally results in a financial loss, including financial fraud”. See also Ryder (2011). Financial Crime in the 21st Century: Law and Policy. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

  3. 3.

    That taxonomy example attributes property offences to the criminal seeking to “keep things together” (crime proceeds are used for living expenses, food, shelter or child support), “keep up appearances” (the proceeds are spent in conspicuous consumption on expensive clothes, jewelry, private school fees, philanthropy or other status reinforcement) and “keep the party going” through purchase of drugs. In applying that taxonomy we might of course ask whether the party fuelled by stolen VCRs and microwave ovens is the same as that fuelled by looting an insurance company or bank, where the party might last for a whole summer in the Hamptons, Biarritz or Pearl Beach. See Topalli (2005). When Being Good Is Bad: An Expansion of Neutralization Theory. Criminology 43(3):797–836.

  4. 4.

    The tests included measures of hedonism (Schwartz Value Scale), conscientiousness (NEO-FFI), narcissism (DSM-III-R), social desirability, and behavioral self-control. For a perspective see Terpstra et al. (1993). The influence of personality and demographic variables on ethical decisions related to insider trading. The Journal of Psychology 127(4):375–390.

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Arnold, B.B., Bonython, W. (2016). Villains, Victims and Bystanders in Financial Crime. In: Dion, M., Weisstub, D., Richet, JL. (eds) Financial Crimes: Psychological, Technological, and Ethical Issues. International Library of Ethics, Law, and the New Medicine, vol 68. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32419-7_8

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