Abstract
In this chapter I analyze how one subgroup of the Bhotiyas, the Darmani, practice mobility in the market-oriented border region of today’s Kumaon Himalaya. The chapter is divided into three major parts. In the first part I scrutinize how recent policy initiatives have influenced the manner in which the residents of the Darma valley use different ecological belts through seasonal migration. While mobile animal husbandry is increasingly recognized as a viable livelihood strategy, very little is known about the socio-cultural meanings, motivations and forms of agency that underpin the mobile practices of mountain pastoralists. In order to gain a deeper insight into these embodied facets of pastoral mobility, the second part analyzes a ritual sequence that unfolds between the time of sowing and harvest in the seasonally inhabited summer settlements. These rituals are intimately tied to a wide range of agro-pastoral work activities and visibly connected through the establishment, renewal and removal of sacred tree trunks, called alams. However, it is not only forest but also livestock resources that figure prominently in acts of ceremony. The role of the yak, as illustrated in the third part, once stood at the centre of the traditional mortuary ceremony, called gvan, where it acted as a fellow wayfarer of the departed soul on its way to the land of the dead. Whilst the whole ceremony has undergone significant change since colonial times and was eventually renamed as sarat, one key element endured: the recitation of an elaborated oral text that is performed to guide the newly departed soul on its journey into the beyond. The chapter shows how mobility-related rituals foster people’s responsiveness to the fluctuations of their dwelt-in environments: the seasonal cycle of weather conditions, the vegetative growth cycles of plants, and the life cycles of fellow human and other animal creatures. With a focus on the kinaesthetic and performative-poetic dimensions of this responsiveness, the study foregrounds the importance of bringing qualitative questions of meaning, value and purpose to bear in research on the numerous facets of mountain pastoralists’ mobility.
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Notes
- 1.
The concept of ‘carrying capacity ’ is used to determine the number of animals that could be supported in any given area. The approach follows the so-called Lotka-Volterra model of predator/prey relations, which is summarized by Ingold (1980: 38) as follows: “Two species, one of which feeds on the other, must undergo perpetual and undamped oscillations in numbers. The predators usually increase to a point of overloading their food supply, then decline again through malnutrition, giving the prey a chance to increase, consequently allowing the predator to increase, causing the prey to decline and so on […]”. For calculating carrying capacity livestock is generally put in the position of the predator and fodder plants in the position of prey (Hjort 1982: 12–16).
- 2.
According to Scoones (1999: 490) this paradigm, which is also called ‘new ecology ’, revolves around three major themes: “First is the concern with spatial and temporal dynamics developed in detailed and situated analyses of ‘people in places’, using, in particular, historical analysis as a way of explaining environmental change across time and space. Second is the growing understanding of environment as both the product of and the setting for human interactions, which link dynamic structural analyses of environmental processes with an appreciation of human agency in environmental transformation, as part of a structuration approach. Third is the appreciation of complexity and uncertainty in social-ecological systems and, with this, the recognition of that prediction, management, and control are unlikely, if not impossible”.
- 3.
For an overview of the key policy issues in participatory forest management, including its implementation in the field, see Springate-Baginski and Blaikie (2007).
- 4.
Foucault (1991, cf. 1977) famously phrased the notion of ‘governmentality ’ as the ‘conduct of conduct’ in order to describe the manner in which modern governments exert power by disciplining its subjects through the distribution of politico-economic resources and the spread of ‘expert’ knowledge. This happens particularly through officially sanctioned institutions such as schools, hospitals, prisons, or, as in the present case, forest councils. By participating in the governing of the environment through such state-community partnerships “new beliefs and, thus, new subjectivities” (Singh 2013: 190) are created. To describe the technologies and procedures that are at work in the creation of these subjectivities, Agrawal (2005a) coined the term ‘environmentality’ .
- 5.
In her classic work Purity and Danger, Mary Douglas (1966: 148) similarly remarked that ‘primitive cultures’ do not use bodily magic as an escape from reality but rather “to confront experience with its inevitable pains and losses”.
- 6.
It is very common in North India that people refer to those acts that scholars label ‘ritual’ as ‘work’ (kam) (Sax 2010: 4).
- 7.
These trends are shown by the demographic data the author collected at the Directorate of Census Operations, U.P. Lucknow, India.
- 8.
Urban-dwelling community members undertake such investments also for emotional reasons, such as senses of place and belonging.
- 9.
Sobla was an important transit point and stock of merchandize for the Darmani traders, and it still is for contemporary shepherds and muleteers who are transporting goods, especially for the Indian Army and the Indo-Tibetan border police (ITBP). Up until now villagers graze their yaks and yak-crossbreeds in the vicinity of Sobla for a fee of INRs 25–35 (rate for 2009) per animal and month to the responsible van panchayat.
- 10.
A brief assessment of the region’s tourism development has been provided in the previous chapter.
- 11.
The DWDP was co-initiated by the World Bank and is now largely financed via the Tribal Sub-Plan . It varies significantly from the expert-designed soil and water conservation as well as watershed management procedures that were implemented in the Himalaya with the rise of the THED in the 1980s (Blaikie and Muldavin 2004: 3). A major difference is that recent interventions leave a greater scope for herders’ preferences and decision taking procedures. However, interviewed shepherds complained that the forested areas covered under the DWDP are not sufficient and that government employees would often still not take their voices and concerns serious enough.
- 12.
The veterinary camps provide basic but effective medical treatments such as de-worming. These services are offered free of charge to shepherds. A veterinary camp that is regularly frequented by the Darma shepherds in the spring is located near Champawat.
- 13.
The Darmani used to employ people from villages in the lower parts of their valley as shepherds. These people are referred to as ‘Anwals’ , which is also a locally used term for ‘shepherd’ (Bisht 2001). Since the 1990s Gaddis from Himachal Pradesh increasingly take on this work (Axelby 2007; Wagner 2013). Some of them have intermarried with Bhotiya families.
- 14.
All exchange rates were collected in 2009 if not otherwise mentioned.
- 15.
Whilst decentralized development activities seek to realize a greater integration of local users, they are still widely criticized by environmental activists and NGO-workers. One point of critique, for instance, is the increasing bureaucratization of organizational structures and annual implementation plans, which are seen as being far beyond the educational level of many local users (Sarin 2001).
- 16.
These animals are generally purchased in Tinkar and Changru. These high mountain settlements are situated across the Kali River in far-western Nepal and inhabited by the Byansi. They are accessible from the upper Darma valley via the Shinla pass .
- 17.
Both jambu and thoya are widely used as condiments.
- 18.
Atis is used as a remedy against fever and pain, kutki for digestive disorders and dysentery. Gatherers sell the roots to street vendors and pharmacists in Dharchula and Pithoragarh .
- 19.
An early reference regarding the trade of C. sinensis from Tibet to Chinese markets is given in Coales (1919: 244) who lists it under the name of ‘chungtsao’ or ‘insect grass’ that was “supposed to be an excellent restorative to weak constitutions”.
- 20.
An average household engaged in the collection of C. sinensis in Son and Dugtu village (Darma valley) collected between 150 and 250 g in 2009–2010.
- 21.
In 2009, for instance, two young men from Dharchula were shot on returning from New Delhi after having sold a larger quantity of C. sinensis to international brokers.
- 22.
In 2009 buyers could legally purchase the fungus in Munsiari , while such commercial transactions remained illegal in Dharchula . While the new policy indicates a stronger presence of officially sanctioned schemes to regulate pasture use, these developments are not uniform. Without strong support from NGO workers and rather low efforts on the side of the Forest Department to re-work and control the extraction of forest and grassland resources, van panchayats remained less important in the Darma valley than in the neighboring Johar valley .
- 23.
In the Johar valley crop cultivation plays only a marginal role nowadays. Most households concentrate on medicinal plants and small-scale gardening. Medicinal plants, such as Allium stracheyi (jambu) and Carum carvi (thoya), are often cultivated in plots that are located in the ruins of old houses. Contrary to traditional village fields these plots are irrigated.
- 24.
Also the year-round presence of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and the Indian military has brought in new customers for local field crops, vegetables and hay in the upper settlements.
- 25.
Most migrating people take a jeep up to Sobla, while some village members, often low-castes, bring the animals from the winter settlement to the road-end. The yaks and yak crossbreeds are anyway grazed near Sobla during the winter. Residents of the village Son who do the complete migration on foot usually require 8 days. Starting in the winter settlement Nigalpani the route looks as follows: Dabat, Thawagat, Chirkila, Sobla, Bungling, Sela, Nagling, Son.
- 26.
Shepherds experience the route between the winter pastures and Dharchula , which takes them between 3 and 6 weeks, as rather exhausting. Major parts are travelled on public roads during the night in order to avoid traffic chaos.
- 27.
Male cattle and yak-cattle crossbreeds are used as pack animals. Some households also keep poultry, which is carried in baskets during migration.
- 28.
Agricultural work on the fields starts with the transportation of animal dung to fallow fields that have not been frequented by the shepherds but are meant for cultivation. Usually these are the ones that are directly clustered around a settlement. If available, the manure is transported in jute bags with horses.
- 29.
Syimi thomo is usually translated as pitru puja, or ancestor worship, in Hindi. Through this form of worship people honor the dead and keep them from becoming ghosts. In a very general way it also allows people to obtain their blessings. However, they typically avoid any direct contact with the dead, because this is considered a dangerous and ghostly affair.
- 30.
The householder usually takes the food that was set apart for the ancestors during the ceremony outside on the next morning. Crows are attracted to make them transmit the food to the departed souls. It is a common Hindu religious practice to offer food to the crows when paying homage to the ancestors, as it is done, for instance, during the so-called shraddha ceremonies.
- 31.
Alcohol is traditionally distributed in a special bowl, called kuru, which is passed around several times among the participants. While elderly married women are principally allowed to consume alcohol during such ceremonies, they drink – if at all – much less than the men. Low-caste villagers usually receive their share in a separate bowl.
- 32.
The favorite dishes on these occasions include potatoes and reddish. Most households store a larger quantity of these field crops from the previous year in approx. 2 m deep wholes in the ground. These wholes are tightly closed with stones and birch bark. When the crops are taken out in the spring, they are kept outside during the day to activate sprouting. The young leaves of reddish are also cooked as a vegetable.
- 33.
For a discussion on Mauss’s approach to seasonality see Harris (1998: 66–67).
- 34.
While the former are also produced for daily consumption, especially after harvesting in autumn, the latter are solely utilized in ceremonial acts, somewhat similar to the Tibetan torma. Syildu is typically consumed with a grinded paste made from dried red chilies, garlic, salt and fresh herbs; dulang is eaten without any additions. Both are accompanied by local beer (marti cyakti) and liquor (cyakti).
- 35.
Balma is a starter culture prepared from juniper berries, roasted wheat flour and herbs.
- 36.
It is important to note that the timing of these rituals is not fixed. Should the weather suddenly change or should other urgent tasks arise, the day can be flexibly shifted after consulting with all parties.
- 37.
Worship of deities almost always starts in the morning, whilst ritual practices concerned with spirits, demons and possession happen in the evening or night.
- 38.
The ranga is worn over pants and includes a white waist-belt and a white turban. Nowadays people rarely wear this dress. For Gabla’s worship, for instance, many men were only wearing the turban.
- 39.
The British appointed padhans as local officers who were responsible for the revenue administration in their villages. These officers were typically remunerated with land assignments called padhan-chari (Mittal 1986: 36–37). Although the office does not exist anymore, the title padhan is still widely used as an honorific in everyday conversations.
- 40.
All over North India and also in the Bhotiya valleys it is exclusively men who plough the fields, while all other tasks can be accomplished by both sexes. One reason for this restriction is that the activity of ploughing is associated with male sexual activity (Sax 1991: 26; cf. Polit 2012: 170–182).
- 41.
Ghee is clarified butter and widely used all over South Asia for daily cooking and ritual.
- 42.
This is one of the very rare ritual occasions when no meat is consumed.
- 43.
This happens in a ritually prescribed way. The upper half of the dulang is bended forward – in the direction of the shrine – before it is being broken in the opposite direction.
- 44.
The passes were opened approximately by July and many traders undertook two tours during the summer. Today it is only the shepherds who make a move to the high altitude pastures after the ceremony for Gabla Sai.
- 45.
In many villages low-caste families have also been allowed to occupy houses of non-migrating Bhotiyas in return for maintenance and repair work. The houses of low-caste people are usually rather small and located at the village outskirts. Also the agricultural land that is owned by them is most often far from the village and more difficult to cultivate.
- 46.
As described in the previous chapter, the whole idea of organizing such major village events goes back to the initiatives of young community members during the 1970s and 1980s. As university students and young professionals they regularly used the summer vacations to visit their parents and relatives in the upper settlements. These visits were conducted in small groups that were identified – like the regular migratory groups – as kuncha. Now that most of these people work permanently in urban settings, they wish to offer their children an opportunity to make similar experiences and develop feelings of attachment to their ancestral villages.
- 47.
Both items are typically associated with Lord Shiva. See Sax (1991) for the significance of this deity among the Pahari .
- 48.
Sherring (1905: 116–117) mentions that whereas Gabla Sai was universally worshipped in all three valleys of the Rang , the Chaudansi alone would put their faith in Syang Sai.
- 49.
The traditional shrines of deities are all in the open, besides rocks or under trees. These places are marked with dajas and, perhaps, a bell. While urban-dwelling Bhotiyas still visit and also cherish these places, they yet consider it adequate to maintain a ‘proper’ temple to celebrate the major religious village ceremonies.
- 50.
Mu Sai is typically translated as Kul Devta and Nyungdan Sai as Kul Devi in Hindi, i.e. the family god and goddess.
- 51.
Some of my informants have related the alam-exchange to a marriage custom in the neighboring Byans valley , where the party of the bridegroom carries along a similar tree, called darjyo, when setting out to collect the bride.
- 52.
In August 2009 some Darma-Khampas visited their former settlement Khimling (also called Bidang) for performing a ritual. They as well carried along an alam from Baling village. They, however, had paid for the tree.
- 53.
Rappaport argues that rituals are crucial for the maintenance of a society’s balance with natural resources. According to this system-centered perspective, which has received renewed attention recently and is once again prominent in environmental anthropology; the distinguishing features of rituals are complex homeostatic culture-nature feedback mechanisms (cf. Biersack 1999; Messer and Lambek 2001). Through these mechanisms the distribution and conditions of biotic resources as well as the relationships between social groups are thought being regulated in empirically measurable ways.
- 54.
It should, however, be noted in this context that the exchanged alams are further used, for instance as firewood.
- 55.
For wool-shearing a person receives approx. INR 10–15 per animal. Crop processing is usually paid in kind.
- 56.
I documented different versions of this ritual in September–October 2008 and 2009, namely in village Bon, Son, Dugtu and Danthu in the upper Darma valley. The description is based on the performance observed in village Bon in October 2009. Parts of the ritual chant are accessible in the Darma language in Dhakriyal (2004a: 253–238).
- 57.
The tokar is the lower end and the takuva the upper stick of a spindle device known as takli. The metaphor has clear sexual connotations, referring to male and female genitals.
- 58.
The animal is either sponsored by some wealthy village member or through the village fund. The remaining parts of the meat are auctioned after the ceremony.
- 59.
This differs from a nomenclature reported in Stellrecht (1992), where sheep and goats are associated with high altitude pastures and ideas about purity. In the Dolpo region of western Nepal, however, yaks are the culturally most favored livestock, which also figures prominently in rituals (Bauer 2004: 25–38).
- 60.
See Kapila (2008: 125) for a similar observation amongst the Gaddi of Himachal Pradesh .
- 61.
For a description of the cremation rite see Leder (2003: 109–112).
- 62.
The term sarat presumably derives from the Hindi word shraddha, meaning ‘sincere faith’. People commonly use that term in the valleys of Darma, Chaudans and Byans as well as in the Byansi villages of Changru and Tinkar in far-western Nepal (Nawa 2007: 266, footnote 8).
- 63.
While the word for ‘yak’ in the Darma language is gal, it is commonly addressed as ya in the funeral rites. The same name is used if a sheep or goat substitutes the yak.
- 64.
The original gvan-ceremony is said to have originally lasted for 9 days.
- 65.
This practice is called am tanmo, which literally means ‘to make a way’.
- 66.
Mya means ‘son-in-law’ and chame means ‘girl’ or ‘sister’. If the deceased person is male, his mother’s brothers are distinguished as pohya, a term that is not used outside the ritual context. Attendees that neither fall under the category mya-chame nor pohya are called puthye (Allen 1975: 92, footnote 4).
- 67.
Over the last decades various discussion have taken place with regard to the funeral ceremonies and in many places villagers experimented with alternative forms. Some, for instance, engaged Brahmin priests to recite parts of the Sanskrit Garuda Purana. Whilst such attempts did, however, not gain acceptance, some people still argue that the oral texts of amrhimo themselves describe a kind of purana or ancient Vedic text. Dhakriyal (2004b: xx), for instance, speaks about the Kak Purana.
- 68.
In order not to evoke the dangerous forces that are released during these performances, people do usually not allow the ceremony to be recorded. The residents of Son and Dugtu made an amiable exception in July 2009. The situation was particularly tragic at that time. A young boy had died in a car accident on his way to Haldwani, where he was invited for a job interview. I am very much indebted to his parents and relatives for consenting to my full participation and recording of his funeral ceremonies. The description of sarat provided below follows the proceedings I observed in Dugtu. The Hindi translation of the text was produced with the help of Dabla Singh Phirmal, who acts an amricha himself. As some passages proved rather difficult to translate, we partly resorted to Dhakriyal’s (2004b) account.
- 69.
At Rangchim Sai’s shrines there are always two alams, which are installed some meters apart from each other. These are said to stand for his male and female part.
- 70.
If someone died in the summer settlement his or her body was often stored in a wooden box filled with salt until the traders returned from Tibet in September (Leder 2003: 110, footnote 78).
- 71.
In earlier times the traders would have carried the bone with them to Tibet, where they buried it underground and covered it with piles of stones. Since the high passes to Tibet are closed these shrines are nowadays established in the uppermost part of the Darma valley, namely along the footpath connecting Tidang village with the camping ground called Bidang.
- 72.
- 73.
While Law and Mol introduce this term to analyze spatial relations that characterize technological developments, they derived it from writings of Bachelard (1964) about the phenomenon on death. One might be tempted to analyze these patterns in terms of Victor Turner’s (1969) concept of a liminal phase. However, one characteristic of liminality is that there is no structure but only anti-structure, i.e. sameness or absolute equality. I argue, on the contrary, that in sarat people achieve a kind of inversion that is itself structured.
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Bergmann, C. (2016). Facets of Pastoral Mobility in a Market-Oriented Border Region. In: The Himalayan Border Region. Advances in Asian Human-Environmental Research. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29707-1_4
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