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Trans-Himalayan Trade in an Imperial Environment

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The Himalayan Border Region

Part of the book series: Advances in Asian Human-Environmental Research ((AAHER))

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Abstract

This chapter explores how the Bhotiyas dealt with imperial forms of power and authority in order to realize their trade under British colonial rule in nineteenth-century Kumaon. Based on a combined analysis of oral and written historical sources I show that British imperial sovereignty, similar to that of older regimes in the area, remained malleable and contested within the wider relational field of the Bhotiyas’ trans-Himalayan trade. When the British East India Company annexed Kumaon in 1815 it was recognized as a so-called Non-regulation Province, which meant that government officials could flexibly interpret executive orders to suit the realities on the ground. Procedural simplicity and discretionary decisions created scope for both shaping and contesting British hegemony, leading to an adaptive transformation of imperial rule. Through a close examination of British interactions with Kumaon’s traders, the chapter will reveal the frictions that arose from this exceptional legal status. This focus serves to address the broader question of how sovereign claims work through multiple and shifting articulations, from frontier narratives to cartographic representations and from fluid relationships of allegiance to fixed state boundaries. The analysis considers a previous call to conceive High Asia as a continuous zone and an agentive site of political action by arguing that confluent territories and overlapping sovereignties are key to understanding trans-Himalayan trade in an imperial environment.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Major parts of this chapter have previously been published in Bergmann (2016).

  2. 2.

    For scholarly accounts on these early explorations of Tibet see Bishop (1989: 25–64) and Teltscher (2006).

  3. 3.

    For a synopsis of recent scholarly debates on the issue of sovereignty see McConnell (2013).

  4. 4.

    Initial studies on the resulting agro-trader-pastoralist economies were primarily conducted in northeast and central Nepal. See, for instance, von Fürer-Haimendorf (1964) on the Sherpa, Pignède (1993 [1966]) on the Gurung, Hitchcock (1966) on the Magar and Manzardo (1978) on the Thakali.

  5. 5.

    For a critical discussion of the concept ‘Indo-Tibetan interface ’ see Shneiderman (2010: 296–300).

  6. 6.

    The Janus-faced character was most prominently discussed with reference to Goffman’s (1959) idea of ‘impression management ’. Fisher (1986: 96), for instance, argues that the people of Tarangpur in Nepal’s Dolpo district are “brokers of goods […], blockers of ideas” in that they adjust themselves to different cultural frames whilst hiding what might be called their core identity. More recently, Shneiderman (2015) has enlarged such a perspective in order to analyze how people perform and shape their identity in relation to multiple nation-state frames.

  7. 7.

    For the modalities of indirect rule see Metcalf (2007) and Mantena (2010).

  8. 8.

    For the emergence of quasi-sovereign places beyond the colonial territory of Britain’s Indian empire, see Onley (2009).

  9. 9.

    Another important factor in that regard is the movement of various kinds of documents such as letters within imperial space (Ogborn 2007).

  10. 10.

    The relationship between history and anthropology has influentially been addressed by Sahlins (1985, 2004), who argues that the course of past events needs to be understood in relation to certain cultural structures by which different groups make sense of them. Such structures are transmitted in ritual, myth and cosmology. For a thorough critique of Sahlins’ structuralist approach see Obeyesekere (1992).

  11. 11.

    Versions of this narrative are also given in Leder (2003: 196) and Dhakriyal (2004: chapter 13).

  12. 12.

    Hya means ‘elder brother’ in the languages of Byans and Chaudans, for which the common word in Darma is pu. However, hya is also used in ritual and mythological jargon as an honorific for king-like figures as well as divinities.

  13. 13.

    Palti (Fagopyrum esculentum) and bai (F. tataricum) are two varieties of buckwheat that the Darmani traditionally cultivate in their upper settlements.

  14. 14.

    Syildu are small pieces of uncooked dough made from buckwheat that are put in a conical shape; guthe is a kind of pancake.

  15. 15.

    The traditional social structure in Kumaon and Garhwal exhibits various similarities (Berreman 1963; Sanwal 1976). A widely discussed distinction is that between the Doms, Khasas (also Khasiyas) and Thuljats, with the latter being the smallest but most powerful section. Khasas and Thuljats comprised a common social class, called Bith, whose members segmented into Brahmins and Rajputs . However, the Thuljats always ranked higher as a whole in comparison to any Khasa counterpart. According to Guha (1989a: 12) the overall structure articulates a division “between ruler and ruled” along two basic oppositions: Bith (clean) vs. Dom (unclean) and, within Bith, Thuljat (immigrant) vs. Khasa (indigenous). However, already Srivastava (1966: 187–196) highlighted that the Bhotiyas do not fit in seamlessly with this structure. Under British rule the Bhotiyas from the Johar valley did eventually consider themselves on the same level as immigrant Rajputs (Thuljats), while resident Pahari treated them as equals to the Khasas. Both the Johari and the Khasas classed the Bhotiyas from the Darma, Chaudans and Byans valley with non-Biths, i.e. as Dom, while these latter groups matched themselves as equals to the Johari. The reader should note that after India’s independence the usage of these terminologies has become highly controversial and is nowadays perceived as derogatory and avoided (Sax 1991: 65, footnote 26).

  16. 16.

    The early kingdom in the vicinity of modern Jumla is referred to as Ya-tshe in Tibetan sources (Jackson 1978: 210).

  17. 17.

    Ngari is a general Tibetan place name that is used to designate most of western Tibet. According to Jackson (1976: 39; cf. Francke 1907; Vitali 2003) this region had not been integral to the early Tibetan kingdom until it was brought under central control around 645 A.D. Afterwards it became identified as a conquered land (mNgaris, or ‘domain under control’). All major trade marts visited by the Bhotiyas fall within this region.

  18. 18.

    Here I follow Ramble’s (1997: 495; cf. Turin 2002: 253) suggestion that “we may well be dealing not with the wanderings of tribes but the migrations of names”.

  19. 19.

    Mythological accounts of Johar’s settlement history are given in Srivastava (1966: 185–186), Leder (2003: 196–197), and Kak (2004: 140–141).

  20. 20.

    According to a common proverb in Kumaon ‘children got lost in the alleys of Milam’ , which means that it was a big settlement.

  21. 21.

    It is sometimes also told that there were actually two brothers, one who settled in the Mana-Niti region of Garhwal , the other in upper Johar. Whereas marriage relations between the residents of these valleys have been common, the Johari did usually not intermarry with their eastern neighbors from Byans, Chaudans and Darma (Brown 1984: 63–81). The residents of the latter valleys, however, maintained marriage relations towards Nepal.

  22. 22.

    More than half a century later, the British had by then repeatedly cooperated with members of the Rawar clan, Sherring (1974 [1916]: 349) completed this information as follows: “The Rawat ancestor of the Milamwals [natives of Milam village] obtained permission from the Gartok Garphan [governor] to establish himself in trade and built Milam and Burphu, and received a grant of Chunpal [a type of land grant] from the Huniyas [Tibetans]. The connection with Tibet is still kept up, in that the headman of Milam has a so-called Jagir [another type of land grant] at Khyunglung in Tibet, which entitles him to receive annually as a gift five goats and two rupees worth of butter, and as many beasts of burden or coolies as are necessary for the carriage of his effects, whenever he goes to, or returns from, Missar [also known as Moincer, a settlement and former encampment located along the Gartok-Lhasa route south-west of Mount Kailash] in Tibet”. The British distributed similar grants to selected individuals, particularly the Rawats , from the 1870s onwards.

  23. 23.

    Traill (1992 [1832]: 102) provides the account of a local narrative according to which Baz Bahadur Chand built a more accessible path through Johar for which he paid “a rupee with his own hand, for every cup full of earth brought to the spot”. This emphasizes the perceived politico-economic importance of wielding influence in these parts of Kumaon.

  24. 24.

    Nanda Devi also had a stand in the region’s colonial history. Kumaon’s second commissioner, G.W. Traill, is reported to have removed the temple of the goddess in Almora , after which he became stuck with snow-blindness when visiting the slopes of the mountain Nanda Devi. Confronted with this “sign of displeasure” he built her a new temple and became relieved from the curse in due time (Walton 1911: 84). Thereafter, the British ‘revered’ Nanda Devi as the “highest mountain in the British Empire ” (Walton 1911: 228).

  25. 25.

    Some have understood Sai as the Nepali sai, meaning ‘one hundred’ (Ramble 2003: 86, footnote 10).

  26. 26.

    Although the issue is not conclusively clarified, the language spoken by the Darmani is considered to fall under the Bodic division of the Tibeto-Burman language family (Willis 2007: 275).

  27. 27.

    ‘Syang’ means ‘great’ or ‘major’. Accordingly Syang Sai is often depicted as Mahadev or, more particularly, as the Hindu god Shiva (Bergmann et al. 2011: 119).

  28. 28.

    However, Dhakriyal (2004: 270) compares Cyarka Hya to the divine king and lord of wealth Kubera, who is a prominent figure in Hindu mythology and also related to the Buddhist character of Vaisravana.

  29. 29.

    The reader may note that ‘Se’ is also the name of a proto-clan or tribe. It is supposed that this tribe, whose name is variously mentioned in old Tibetan scriptures, has once settled in eastern Tibet (Ramble 2003: 70–71). However, since there is no evidence that the Kumaoni Bhotiyas have ever linked themselves with this tribe I will not pursue this line of inquiry further.

  30. 30.

    Ramble (1993: 17) supports such a view by saying that “‘Bhotey’ is comparable to the Newar word Sain, which has become a derogatory expression for ethnic Tibetans”. The complexity of ethnic ascriptions and identity claims among Buddhist Bhotiya groups in Nepal is thoroughly analyzed in Ramble (1997).

  31. 31.

    Trivedi (1991: 201–210), for instance, transcribed and translated a story from Byans entitled ‘Sai-women from Jumla’ (Jumla ci Sai-sya) who are thought to have once intermarried in Byans. ‘Sya’ is a widely used feminine gender marker in rang-lvu . Folk etymology also relates this marker to the homophonous word for flesh/ meat (Willis 2007: 175).

  32. 32.

    Confirming the impact of Jumla , Traill (1992 [1832]: 129) reported that in 1823 all the villages of Byans “were subjected to a forced contribution by a party of Játs, from Jumla, on some antiquated claim of tribute”. Today’s residents of Gunji village in Byans regularly perform a ritual that depicts their disengagement from the Jumla royalty (Leder 2003: 187–188). They build an effigy of a king referred to as Jumli Hya that is filled with the innards of a sacrificed goat and transported to a place on the Indo-Nepalese border. All male participants attack and ultimately destroy the image before marking their foreheads with the victim’s blood and returning proudly to their village.

  33. 33.

    The term ‘schismogenesis’ literally means ‘creation of divisions’. Sahlins has borrowed this terminology from Gregory Bateson (1935, 1958) who distinguishes between complementary and symmetrical forms. The former works on the basis of structural oppositions between unequal partners, the latter as a kind of competition between categorical equals. The local appropriation of ‘foreign’ identities is a strategy that characterizes symmetrical schismogenesis and often results in a ‘politics of transcendence’, i.e. a quest for divine power and cosmic legitimization (Sahlins 2010: 218–219).

  34. 34.

    The concept of ‘galactic polity ’ is used by Tambiah to characterize a pattern of state formation in which the political influence of a capital center expands through the creation of various sub-centers in a planetary like network. While these networks are characterized by constant change, or systemic pulsation, each sub-center always replicates or imitates the larger order. Lewis (1994: 28) argues that the Himalayan border region was shaped by such kin/state galactic dependencies.

  35. 35.

    Pusa is located in north-central Bihar. The British Government acquired it in the late eighteenth century for establishing a horse breeding estate.

  36. 36.

    Bogle also reported that these pilgrims were appreciated by the Tibetan merchants for being capable to adjust to the hot climate of Bengal, where “their [own] people would die” and thus could not go (Lamb 2002: 260). For a more detailed discussion of these Hindu trading pilgrims and their relationship to the British see Clarke (1998) and Bray (2009).

  37. 37.

    The so-called cashmere goat is a central Asian variety of the common mountain goat, Capra hircus. However, as Irwin (1973: 4–5) remarks, “[a]lthough goats were the main producers of shawl-wool, a similar fleece was derived from wild Himalayan mountain sheep such as the Shapo (Ovis orientalis vignei), the Argali (Ovis ammon), the Bharal (Pseudois nayaur), and the Himalayan Ibex (Capra ibex)”. The fine undercoat of these animals is used for textiles and clothing articles.

  38. 38.

    For the purpose of gathering information British officials relied on the employee of natives quite early. Waller (1990: 22) mentions a sepoy officer who gathered information on the region between Bengal and the Deccan in 1774 as the first recorded example. Subsequently, most recruits were munshis (native teachers or secretaries, often Muslims, who also played a crucial role in the administrative system of the Mughal Empire) or, as in the present example, pandits. The English loanword ‘pundit ’, which the British later adopted as an appellation for native surveyors, derives from Sanskrit pandita, which refers to a male Brahmin acting as “scholar, teacher, adviser, spiritual master, specialist and legal expert” (Michaels 2001: 3). Especially his skills in memorizing and reciting the ancient Vedic scriptures and in mastering special traditions of writing – the sastras – are distinguishing skills. The two Kumaoni pandits who accompanied Moorcroft were Harbalam and his nephew Harkh Dev. The former had already visited Tibet before, namely as a guide of Webb and Raper on an expedition to trace the source of the Ganges in 1808 (Raper 1812). Captain Hearsey had also taken part in this expedition (Pearse 1905: 180) and subsequently introduced Harbalam to Moorcroft (Alder 1985: 130).

  39. 39.

    A detailed analysis of the entanglement between enlightenment, imperialism and the British encounter with Tibet based on the endeavors of Bogle and Younghusband is given in Stewart (2009).

  40. 40.

    Henry Colebrook added a rather critical footnote to the above quoted passage in which he raised doubt about the accuracy and practicability of taking the rather unnatural paces of 4 ft or 1.2 m when traversing a rough mountain landscape. However, the method was not flawed but rather misrepresented in Moorcroft’s notes. It simply withheld that the Pundit only counted his right foot alone with a single ordinary stride of 2 ft or 0.6 m (Waller 1990: 23).

  41. 41.

    Smithfield is London’s oldest livestock, meat and wholesale market .

  42. 42.

    Even the governor of Gartok had sold these commodities to Moorcroft, a transaction for which the former was “later punished by the authorities at Lhasa (Alder 1980: 188, footnote 61). Unfortunately the wool was impossible to clean after the long journey across the high passes into British territory and the exported live animals either died on the way or soon after they had been transferred to Scotland (Marczell 1997: 167).

  43. 43.

    Moorcroft’s timely piece of reconnaissance as well as his contacts across the frontier proved crucial during the Anglo-Nepalese war , as it becomes apparent from the official correspondence between leading British militaries and government officials (EIC 1983 [1824]). Ultimately, Moorcroft also influenced Hasting’s decision to permanently annex Kumaon once the British forces had pushed back the Gorkhas beyond the Kali River (Alder 1985: 172–173; Hastings 1858: 1251).

  44. 44.

    Since the onset of their rule in Kumaon the British levied relatively low taxes on the Bhotiyas – both in comparison to other groups in the region and to the sums collected by the former ruling powers (Traill 1992 [1832]; Batten 1851: 258–356).

  45. 45.

    The main motive behind the invasion of the independent kingdom of Ladakh by Gulab Singh in 1834 was a monopolistic ambition for the shawl-wool trade . However, the invasion had the unintended consequence of diverting the main commercial route of this commodity toward Rampur, the capital of the former kingdom of Bushahr that is located within today’s Indian state of Himachal Pradesh . This development encouraged Gulab Singh “to carry his conquests a stage further and invade the shawl-wool producing areas of western Tibet” (Lamb 1958: 40; cf. Rizvi 1999).

  46. 46.

    During the Tibet-Ladakh-Mughal war of 1679–1684, the raja of Bushahr, Kehri Singh, allied with the Tibetan government in Lhasa. After that war a frinedship treaty was established between Bushahr and Tibet. It was agreed that no transit dues would be levied on trade, which helped to launch an annual trade fair in Rampur (Vasan 2006). The institutionalization of this fair was almost foundational for the Bushahr dynasty and consolidated their political influence. Between 1837 and 1840, just before the Dogras started their military campaign on the plateau, the amount of shawl-wool that was imported from Tibet to Rampur-Bushahr increased over 200 % (Lamb 1958: 40).

  47. 47.

    The basis for that calculation was the patwaris following statement: “The Bians [sic] and Dharma [sic] traders buy at Dharchoola [Dharchula , the major winter settlement and trade depot of the people from Byans, Chaudans and Darma] from the Dhotee [Doti ] people 20 Bhelees, or round balls of coarse sugar for 1 rupee – for each of these Bhelees the Taklakote [sic] traders used to allow them the value of 8 annas worth of shawl-wool, the price of the article at Taklakot being 25 rupees per maund – but when conveyed to the Bagiser [Bageshwar, an important trade mart in Kumaon] fair it sells for 50 Rupees per maund. […]” (Kumaon Division 1842c). Sixteen annas equaled 1 Indian Rupee. Maund is the anglicized name of a traditional mass unit in South Asia . The British set 1 maund equal to 100 English troy pounds (37.32 kg). For the Bhotiyas’ profit margins see also Mittal (1986: 216–228).

  48. 48.

    J.D. Cunningham was posted as the main British observer on the Tibetan frontier in Bushahr (Datta 1969 [1968]). His brother, captain A. Cunningham, was a key player in the boundary commissions that were installed between 1846 and 1847 to define the boundaries of Lahul and Spiti with Tibet (Huttenback 1968).

  49. 49.

    The reason for Tibet’s closed-door policy can be traced back to a decision made in 1792. At that time the Gorkhas had advanced into Tibet and the British refused to assist the Lhasa authorities (Anand 2009: 232).

  50. 50.

    The Dogras’ main military leader, general Zorawar Singh, was killed in a battle near Taklakot in December 1841. His fellow campaigner, colonel Basti Ram, continued fighting in that locality until January 1842 (Charak 2003 [1983]: 763).

  51. 51.

    Already during the fights around Taklakot in autumn 1841 the patwari from Byans valley forwarded to Lushington an account of a fugitive Sikh soldier named Raza Singh: “No arrangement has as yet taken place between the Chinese and Sikhs. Five fights had occurred in the first of which the Chinese lost about 1,000 or 1,200 men besides prisoners – and in the second the loss on both sides was equal and about 100 prisoners were taken by the Chinese. I was among the prisoners. After disarming me they bound me with ropes and sent me in the direction of Lahssa [sic] but I managed to cut the ropes at night and make good my escape to this place hiding by day in the jungle and travelling at night. The Chinese army amounts to about 12,000 or 13,000 men” (Kumaon Division 1842h). In January 1842 colonel Basti Ram also escaped via the Byans valley to Almora . He and his remaining 240 soldiers received full support and medical treatment due to Lushington’s supportive orders (Charak 2003 [1983]: 764).

  52. 52.

    For detailed analyses of surveying and mapping activities in British India see, for instance, Edney (1997) and Barrow (2003).

  53. 53.

    During the 1850s Montgomerie established himself as the head of the Kashmir survey and subsequently accomplished additional work in Ladakh (Waller 1990: 18–21).

  54. 54.

    Deb Singh’s younger son Kishen was also recruited as a Pundit in 1869 and extremely successful (Mason 1923).

  55. 55.

    Additionally, the reversed order of initials was used, such as GM for Mani Sing(h), in official reports.

  56. 56.

    In that sense the case exhibits some similarities to the methods of long distance control on which the Portuguese relied to foster their imperial expansion to India (Law 1986).

  57. 57.

    Topology is a branch of mathematics that aims to articulate the rules for localizing objects in a variety of coordinate systems. Social scientists increasingly adopt topology-talk for differentiating several kinds of space through which the social subsists (Mol and Law 1994; de Laet and Mol 2000; Law and Mol 2001). The use of topology for the explanation of social phenomena already has a long tradition in anthropology: Leach (1961), a trained engineer and mathematician, invoked it “as the geometry of elastic rubber sheeting” for the study of kinship and Levi-Strauss (1985) relied on the topology of Klein Bottles for interpreting and comparing myths . In geographical writings it is nowadays widely adopted to “disguise the relational complexities that lie ‘underneath’ spatial forms” (Murdoch 2006: 12).

  58. 58.

    Nain Singh received the “grant of a village in Rohilkhand together with a jumma [revenue assessment from land] of Rs. 1,000” after his career as a spy and surveyor for the Great Trigonometrical Survey (Waller 1990: 125).

  59. 59.

    After the Tibetans had been defeated a trade agreement was imposed, which sanctioned the establishment of British trade posts on the plateau (McKay 1992). In western Tibet a native Indian, named Thakur Jai Chand, was based in Gartok as a British trade agent (Sherring 1974 [1916]: 148; McKay 1997: 158–165). The Bhotiyas often complained about the futile character of that institution. One reason for their complaints might have been that the establishment of such ‘listening posts’ gradually dismantled their own privileged status as both information carriers and political ‘ambassadors’.

  60. 60.

    O’Beckett’s overall approach was reproduced as follows: “The settlement officer sums up the position [of the British] by saying in the language of these parts: ‘Bakri hamara, Karhaj tumhara’ (The goat is ours, the load is yours). Thus it is evident that Mr. Beckett, while disallowing the claim of Thibet [sic] to collect their demands under the name of land revenue or ‘rakam’, admitted them, though under a different designation. He called it trade dues. In his Settlement Report he enters it as ‘Jagad’. His words are: ‘Hundes men jagad ke ewaz dete hain’ (This is paid to Thibet in lieu of trade tax)” (Political Department 1896a: 27). Actually the Tibetan revenue system was highly complex and consisted of various tributes, such as two types of sathal (land revenue and tolls for crossing the high passes), chunkal (trade tax), naika (trade tax) and lakpacha (measuring tax) (Political Department 1896a: 30–32). By simply classifying them as Jagad and thereafter sanctioning its collection, the British had “virtually admitted Thibet’s claim” to territorial jurisdiction in the Bhotiya valleys (Political Department 1896a: 33).

  61. 61.

    According to British perceptions these malpractices further included the application of Tibetan law, the prevention of European and Pahari travelers from entering Tibet, the intentional destruction of roads and rest houses, the cutting of wood, the monopolization of grazing grounds and the general disrespect shown to British subjects and political authorities (Political Department 1894b).

  62. 62.

    Whilst British administrators described the Tibetan claims in northern Kumaon as ‘virtual sovereignty’ during the 1890s, the vocabulary later shifted to the mantra of ‘suzerainty’ (Walton 1911: 149). At the beginning of the twentieth century the latter term was adopted to define Chinese claims over Tibet (Goldstein 1989: 830; Anand 2009).

  63. 63.

    British militaries had originally proposed to install more than one official, “so that they would be a check upon one another” (Political Department 1894a: 26). Whilst this was never realized, three support bases were established for the peshkar, namely in the settlements Garbyang (Byans valley ), Go (Darma valley) and Sosa (Chaudans valley ) (Political Department 1895e: 5). In the Johar valley , where the conflict was not as pronounced, Dalip Singh Rawat, a Bhotiya who had taken up a career as a civil servant in Almora , was temporarily employed for that office (Political Department 1896c: 23).

  64. 64.

    The only Western observers who were present in these tracts were missionaries of the U.S.-based Methodist Episcopal Church. They had established themselves in Dharchula under the supervision of Mrs. Sheldon, M.D., Mrs. Browne, and Dr. Wilson in 1883. Besides their missionary work they provided basic medical and educational facilities to the local people (Browne n.d.). As for other missionary stations along the Indo-Tibetan frontier, their overall intention was to enter Tibet (Pande and Bergmann 2009).

  65. 65.

    Landor (1899: 8) – a British explorer who extensively travelled through the region at that time – described Larkin as one of those rare officials “who had any knowledge at all of the northeast of Kumaon”. In his travelogue he provides a slightly different account of the encounter between the deputy collector and the jongpen : “Trembling with fear and bending low to the ground, the Tibetans, with abject servility, entered the tent of our British envoy. The account of the interview, which I received in full from a Shoka [Bhotiya] gentleman who was present as interpreter, is amusing and curious, showing the mutability and hypocrisy of the Tibetans. In the long run, and being well acquainted with the cowardice of his visitors, Mr. Larkin not only obtained redress on every point, but gave the Jong Pen [sic] and his officers a severe harangue. The result of the interview was that the collection of the land revenue should be put a stop to, and that Tibetan law should no more be administered on our side of the frontier” (Landor 1899: 76).

  66. 66.

    A number of British people had made a personal experience of these measures. In 1896, for instance, the Tibetans attacked a British military officer, lieutenant Gaussen, near the Lipu Lekh pass without any consequences (Political Department 1896a: 31; Landor 1899: 75). Landor was even taken captive when he visited western Tibet and only released with the help of the missionaries stationed in Dharchula .

  67. 67.

    Kishen Singh Rawat, another Pundit explorer, reported that the people in Johar were ‘frightened’ (Political Department 1896e: 23); the peshkar said that the residents of Byans and Darma would ‘fear’ the orders of the Tibetan authorities (Political Department 1896f: 24). A subordinate of the jongpen of Taklakot was even depicted as a ‘thorough barbarian’ who “punished defaulters with brutal floggings” and “acted with great injustice” (Political Department 1897a: 42).

  68. 68.

    The early British Empire can be conceived as a mercantile project that was geared toward the expansion of commercial monopolies. After 1858, the acquisition of new territory was legitimized through the imperial objective of civilizing primitive places and peoples.

  69. 69.

    The ritualization of trade in Kumaon included the ceremonial opening of the annual trading season by Tibetan officials (called sarji) and the exchanges of gifts between exclusive trade partners (called mitra). Crucial is that these ritualized practices permitted Tibetan authorities to articulate their authority (Brown 1984: 82–89).

  70. 70.

    The jongpen argued that the proposed change would have greatly reduced “the supplies (of food) and liquor he got up to present” (Political Department 1897c: 50).

  71. 71.

    While British officials in Kumaon depicted the traditional modes of exchange as “forced trade”, the chief secretary of the North-western Provinces regarded it as a locally modified version of “free exchange” (Political Department 1897d: 53).

  72. 72.

    Administrators in Kumaon had initially ordered the peshkar to arrest any Tibetan official who would try to collect land revenue from the Bhotiyas. However, without any external support Kharak Singh did not dare to put this order into practice, not least since local residents often took a stand for the Tibetan trade agents (Political Department 1897h: 47).

  73. 73.

    This proposal was justified by the observation “that the Bhootias [sic] themselves are very high-handed with the villagers on their way down country” (Political Department 1894a: 26). However, the selection of new staff was confined by the remoteness of the place, which most outsiders were not willing to accept voluntarily, and the language competences that were required to understand and efficiently handle local affairs (Political Department 1895b: 26–27).

  74. 74.

    Namely (a) the western sector with Kashmir ; (b) the middle sector that included the Punjab, Himachal Pradesh , and Uttarakhand (then part of Uttar Pradesh); and (c) the eastern sector of the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA) .

  75. 75.

    In the course of the Himalayan border conflict, the Indian side took custom and tradition as a passive receptor for what would have been “defined by nature, confirmed by history and sanctified by the laws of nations” (GoI 1961: 287) since times immemorial, viz. the watershed-line. For that reason even the ancient Indian epics were considered as depicting the TCBL in its present form (MEAI 1959: 125–132).

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Bergmann, C. (2016). Trans-Himalayan Trade in an Imperial Environment. In: The Himalayan Border Region. Advances in Asian Human-Environmental Research. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29707-1_2

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