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Armed Struggle: A One-Way Path?

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Communism and Nationalism in Postwar Cyprus, 1945-1955
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Abstract

The demand for enosis began to take on new characteristics, especially after the 1950 referendum. Britain hardened its stance toward Cyprus; the primacy of the enosis struggle began to wane in some quarters; and the right and the Church undertook more dynamic initiatives in the island’s political arena. Each played a catalytic role in reshaping the character of the enosis struggle.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In a report to KKE in 1951, Papaioannou confessed the party could not carry out an anti-occupation struggle and could only contribute to sabotage. “We do not have any war material apart from only 24 revolvers 2–3 handguns, a machine-gun and nothing else. We have 2–3 technicians for sabotaging, explosions, etc., but do not have the material for this work.” Papaioannou called for both financial assistance and expertise to enable AKEL to organize if it was declared illegal or in case of war between East and West. See ASKI, “Papaioannou to KKE, Issues of Organizational-technical Preparation” Neos Democratis, 5 February 1950, p. 1 (ASKI, 371, File 20/21/33, 1951).

  2. 2.

    “For the financial assistance that they requested, for training saboteurs, radio operators, etc. We answered them that there are no such capabilities, such things cannot take place here, and to look to resolve them themselves in Cyprus.” This answer was given to Papaioannou from G. Ioannidis and K. Kolligiannis. See ASKI, “Report of Giannis Ioannidis and Kostas Kolligiannis to the PG of the K.E. of the KKE” (ASKI, 371, File 20/21/43, 1951).

  3. 3.

    In its decision shortly before the armed struggle of EOKA began, the CC of AKEL “reiterates and clarifies that when we declare that the struggle of the Cypriot people is massive, open, peaceful and democratic, we mean it. The massive peoples’ gatherings, the demonstrations, the strikes, when taking place at a suitable time, with appropriate mottoes and demands, and above all, when they rally the people in unison, are forms of the peoples’ democratic struggle.” See Neos Dimokratis, 20 February 1955.

  4. 4.

    For the acquaintance between Makarios-Grivas, see Spyros Papageorgiou, Grivas and the X organization: The lost archive (Athens: Nea Thesis, 2004), 620–21.

  5. 5.

    Panagiotis Papadimitris, Historical Encyclopaedia of Cyprus (Nicosia: Epifaniou, 1980), Vol. 9:299. An Athens University Hall at 57 Solonos Street was used for training purposes, as well as a house on Skoufa Street in Kolonaki and a house on Cyprus Street in Kifissia.

  6. 6.

    Nikos Kranidiotis, Difficult years (Athens: [n.pub.], 1981), 55–57.

  7. 7.

    According to Grivas himself, he recommended to Makarios to take action, beginning the relevant preparations from July 1951. Georgios Grivas mentions in his memoirs (pp. 14–15) that the first thoughts on the conduct in Cyprus of an armed liberation struggle took place in Athens between himself, Achilleas Kirou and others, in June 1948. At the same time, similar thoughts, according to Grivas, were expressed in various circles in Cyprus by then-bishop of Kition Makarios (who later became Archbishop Makarios III). In May 1951, the group in Athens, consisting of Cypriot exiles and Greeks, offered Georgios Grivas the leadership of the armed struggle in Cyprus, to Makarios’s knowledge. In July 1951, Grivas visited Cyprus to study on the spot the potential for armed struggle on the island. At the same time, he had contacts with Makarios and recruited his first collaborators in Cyprus. On October 1952, he came to Cyprus for the second time and remained for nearly five months (3 October 1952 to 25 February 1953). This visit was intended to determine the applicability of the project. He then took care to create the first nuclei for action and for receiving and concealing military equipment. For more on the preparation of the EOKA struggle, see Andreas Varnavas, History of the liberation struggle of EOKA (1955–1959) (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 2002). and Giannis Lambrou, History of the Cyprus issue, 1960–2004 (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 2004).

  8. 8.

    The text of the oath with the signatures and the New Testament that were used are today kept in the National History Museum of Greece; the table on which the New Testament was placed was donated to the Museum of the Struggle of Cyprus. See Papastauros Papagathangelou, My testimony, How I experienced the pre-production and the struggle of EOKA (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 1995), 261. According to a testimony of Gerasimos Konidaris, one of the signatories of the oath, Grivas was absent from the meeting of 7 March 1953 and signed the oath later. See Kostas Katsonis, Cyprus in the path of History (Larnaca: [n.pub.], 2002), 34. Also see Makarios Drousiotis, EOKA the dark aspect (Athens: Stahi, 1998), 53.

  9. 9.

    In his interview with Alexis Papahelas on the show Neoi Fakeloi, Papageorgiou even mentioned that Makarios was also an “X”, and specifically that he was the organization’s contact, conveying messages between its members. For the entire interview, see Alexis Papahelas, “Neoi Fakeloi”, in Skai http://folders.skai.gr/main/theme?locale=el&id=20 [accessed 15 November 2015].

  10. 10.

    Interview of Andreas Azinas by journalist Michalis Michail on the radio station Astra (Cyprus) on 1 April 1998.

  11. 11.

    Nikos Psyroukis, History of Modern Greece, 1940–1974 (Athens: Koukkida, 2010), Vol. 2:314.

  12. 12.

    Doctor Ioannidis took care to create a group of Cypriot students in Athens who were trained in the use of weapons and guerrilla tactics. The first 15 students were trained in Athens by reservist officer Georgios Kontopoulis, curator then and later professor of astronomy at the University of Athens. The training was on the basics of armed action and sabotage. An Athens University Hall at 57 Solonos Street was used for training purposes, as well as a house on Skoufa Street in Kolonaki and a house on Cyprus Street in Kifissia. On the founding of the KARI organization, see Varnavas, History of the liberation struggle, 36 and Petros Stylianou, Cypriot students in Athens and the Struggle of 1955–1959 (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 2010).

  13. 13.

    Andreas Fantis, The burial (of a sweet dream) of the Enosis (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 1994), 108–109.

  14. 14.

    This armor, as Grivas notes, came from the arms depots of the “X” organization. See Grivas, Memoirs, 20.

  15. 15.

    Papadimitris, Historical Encyclopaedia, Vol. 10:372.

  16. 16.

    Grivas, Memoirs, 25–26.

  17. 17.

    Drousiotis, EOKA the dark aspect, 19–87.

  18. 18.

    Grivas, Memoirs, 25–26.

  19. 19.

    For the whole background of the case of the boat, the narratives of the protagonists are informative, as listed in Papadimitris, Historical Encyclopaedia, 384–390.

  20. 20.

    This declaration is cited in several books. Among others, see Papadimitris, Historical Encyclopaedia, 404–405.

  21. 21.

    Kranidiotis, Difficult years, 74–75.

  22. 22.

    Grivas, Memoirs, 12–13.

  23. 23.

    Grivas writes in his diary, “29 March. 20th hour saw General. TO BEGIΝ. He gave me his blessing. God with us.” Panagiotis Machlouzaridis, Cyprus 1940–1960. Diary of developments (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 1985), Annex, Part I, 17.

  24. 24.

    Indicatively I mention Lambrou, History of the Cyprus issue, 38, and Katsonis, Cyprus, 92.

  25. 25.

    Drousiotis, EOKA the dark aspect, 79. Regarding the disappointment of Grivas, see Colonial Office, Terrorism in Cyprus—The diary of Grivas (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 1957), 19. (This document is part of Grivas’s found diary and was published by the British.) In his later memoirs, Grivas mentions the document issued by the British: “Of the published in Greek extracts, most are accurate, I have reservations on the accuracy of certain points of this.” Grivas, Memoirs, 127.

  26. 26.

    The entire statement of AKEL in Papadimitris, Historical Encyclopaedia, vol. 11:13–14.

  27. 27.

    Giannakis Kolokasidis, “Issues of strategy and tactics in the anti-colonial struggle”, Chroniko of Politis newspaper, 183 (2011): 12.

  28. 28.

    Ibid., 13.

  29. 29.

    Grivas, Memoirs, 16. For the opposition of Makarios to the bloodshed and actions beyond the sabotages, see also Kranidiotis, Difficult Years, 58–59; Azinas Andreas, 50 years of silence, The moment of truth (Nicosia: [n.pub.], 2001), Vol. A: 219–221.

  30. 30.

    Vima, 17 April 1955. Generally on the reactions of the Greek political world, see Spyros Linardatos, From the civil war to Junta (Athens: [n.pub.], 1977), Vol. 2:281. and Kostas Athanasiadis, By Who and how Cyprus was betrayed (New York: [n.pub.], 1991), 356.

  31. 31.

    Kranidiotis, Difficult years, 77.

  32. 32.

    Colonial Office, Terrorism in Cyprus, 12.

  33. 33.

    Ibid., 14.

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Alecou, A. (2016). Armed Struggle: A One-Way Path?. In: Communism and Nationalism in Postwar Cyprus, 1945-1955. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29209-0_9

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