Abstract
Analyses of IBSA tend to take the declared South–South logic of IBSA at face value and use it as a benchmark against which to evaluate the coherence of the initiative. Chapter 4 provides a detailed review of the discursive sediment that foreign policy makers can and must build on in IBSA countries in defining their country’s role in the international system. Basis for this chapter is a review of the secondary literature on foreign policy discourses of the three countries, complemented by primary sources. The selection of material is grounded on the main analytical perspective of this study, especially the spectrum of foreign policy role conceptions as well as the main operational dimensions of IBSA. In order to connect this review with the following content analysis of official and societal discourse (Chaps. 5 and 6), the main strands of discourse are summarized in terms of ideal-typical framings:
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India: Gandhian, Nehruvian, Hindu, and neoliberal-globalist framing
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Brazil: developmentalist, neoliberal and neo-developmentalist framing
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South Africa: revolutionary-internationalist, Pan-Africanist, and neoliberal framing
On this basis, this chapter aims for a first comparative look at the discursive potential of IBSA as it appears from the commonalities and contradictions among the main discourses present in its member countries.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Lower castes “are quite hostile to Gandhi, who they criticise for having been paternalistic to lower castes, […] and unable to launch a national campaign against the caste system” (Levien 2007: 137).
- 3.
The basic approval of the necessity of an army reveals that Gandhi’s pacifism was not absolute but rather flexible, embracing three notions: (1) absolute pacifism, (2) qualified pacifism, which retains the principle of justice and (3) the expedient justification of force for the purpose of achieving a greater good (Power 1961: 118). On this basis Gandhian pacifism is flexible enough to concede that “when confronted with brute force, a person is permitted to use just enough force to repel the attack” (Coates 2008: 140).
- 4.
With regard to the early independence struggle in Africa, Mazrui identifies a whole tradition of “Black Gandhism” (1978: 103–119).
- 5.
The controversial word was inserted in 1976 by the 42nd amendment to the Constitution, which changed India from a “sovereign democratic republic” to a “sovereign socialist secular democratic republic” (India Code Information System 2011).
- 6.
The ideal-typical realist framing of foreign policy is based on the assumption of an anarchic international system, where states struggle for survival. The key principle of this framing is the pursuit of self-interest as defined primarily in security terms, which in turn can only be guaranteed by pursuing the objective of acquiring or even maximising power. In terms of action, the realist recommendations would consist in the build-up of military power. Beyond these basic functions there is a variety of recommendations ranging from balancing other states (defensive realism) through bandwagoning with more powerful states in the system to expanding as soon as the gains of doing so outweigh the costs (offensive realism).
- 7.
On the question of the authorship of the book, see Zaman (2006: 233–235).
- 8.
Based on this vision of the world, Kautilya recommends six methods of foreign policy: “(i) Sandhi (peace): ‘Whoever is inferior to another shall make peace […]’; (ii) Vigraha (war): ‘Whoever is superior in power shall make war.’; (iii) Asana (neutrality): ‘Whoever thinks “No enemy can hurt me, or am I strong enough to destroy my enemy” shall observe neutrality.’; (iv) Yana (march): ‘Whoever is possessed of necessary means shall march against his enemy.’; (v) Samshraya (seeking alliance or shelter): ‘Whoever is devoid of necessary strength to defend himself shall seek the protection of another.’; (vi) Dvaidhibhava (double policy): ‘Whoever thinks that help is necessary to work out an end shall make peace with one and wage war with another.’” (Zaman 2006: 237).
- 9.
Indeed Kautilya’s view resembles the version of “offensive realism”, as proposed by Mearsheimer (2001), who builds on the argument that states not only seek security, but explicitly seek to maximise power, even if they are already the most powerful state in the world. Only the status of hegemony will allow a great power to rest assured of its survival (Mearsheimer 2001: 35).
- 10.
In the past, individual aspects of India’s foreign policy have been identified as being directly inspired by Kautilyan realism, e.g. “India’s entire Afghanistan policy flows from the principle of ‘my enemy’s enemy is my friend’ and Indian strategists often quoted Kautilya to justify their steady support to whatever regime rules in Kabul as long as that regime is hostile to Pakistan” (Tanham 1996: 59).
- 11.
As the above-cited election manifesto argues, the usefulness of foreign capital is restricted to certain sectors.
- 12.
The Organiser is considered the BJP’s mouthpiece. It is published by the Hindu-nationalist organisation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which is part of the BJP’s family of organisations.
- 13.
As opposed to the “conciliatory India” lobby of Gandhian heritage (ibid.).
- 14.
Indeed a review of the weekly publication The Organizer (see footnote 47), has revealed a reduction over time of narrow references to identity and a rise in economic and social topics, even a move away from the fixation on the Kashmir-Issue towards broader topics of foreign policy (Elsenhans 2005: 171).
- 15.
For a discussion of neoliberalism as a “hegemonic project”, see Taylor (2001: 23–35).
- 16.
CII represented the more export-oriented industries and increased its influence on government policy to the point that the 1994–1995 budget came to be called after the CII’s director at the time (Kohli 2009: 168).
- 17.
For a detailed criticism see Rotte (2000: 12–28).
- 18.
The policies of a “great commercial power” would “be directed primarily towards ensuring access to resources and markets” (Sagar 2009: 815).
- 19.
For example, it would be important to stress that there were supporters of the liberal, Gandhian and Socialist development model within the Congress from the very beginning (Hardgrave and Kochanek 2008: 417). Similarly, in the case of the BJP, Shulman (2000: 388) argues that there are two diverging internal strands, motivated by their difference in stressing two elements of identity present in the Hindu Nationalist discourse: while the nationalists within the BJP emphasise cultural purity, the pro-liberalisation advocates stress the element of prestige. In consequence, this leads to the compromise position “that India should open up its market to world trade, but gradually” (Shulman 2000: 379).
- 20.
Indeed the Arthashastra contains references to humanitarian action by the state, which is, however, only appropriate if it is in the interests of the state in question. Also, when a king has the choice between attacking a neighbouring state that has a just ruler and another one governed by an unjust ruler, Kautilya recommends attacking the one with the unjust ruler. However this seemingly noble posture is justified by simple military considerations, the principle being that the people of a just ruler will fight more loyally than the people of an unjust ruler. For more details see Boesche (2003).
- 21.
When Gandhi requested that the INC declare that India should refrain from using violence in dealing with external aggression, he got as a response that the INC was “not an institution for organizing world peace” (cit. in Sagar 2009: 802).
- 22.
Later, Cervo concretised these factors, leading to a mix of concepts and actions considered typical of Brazilian foreign policy: (a) self-determination, non-intervention and peaceful solution of controversies; (b) legalism (juricidismo); (c) normative multilateralism; (d) cooperative and non-confrontational external action; (e) strategic partnerships; (f) realism and pragmatism; (g) official cordiality in the treatment of neighbours; (h) development as a “vector of external action”; (i) independence of international insertion (2008: 26–31).
- 23.
This leaves out the liberal-conservador paradigm (1808–1930), which is of only historical interest.
- 24.
As a sign of adherence to the positivist outlook, the founders of the Second Republic included a positivist motto into the Brazilian national flag in 1889: the motto “ORDEM E PROGRESSO” (order and progress) on the flag is an homage to the positivist philosopher Auguste Comte (Cowen and Shenton 1995: 39).
- 25.
Pinheiro (2000) suggests a further subdivision of americanismo into an ideological and a pragmatic type and globalismo into a Grotian and a Hobbesian type.
- 26.
While this provided the globalist current of thought with renewed arguments for its vision of diversifying external relations, Vargas’ americanist successor, Kubitschek, went on to welcome US investments in Brazil. Subsequently US investors managed to accumulate two thirds of the capital of the 34 largest companies in Brazil by 1960 (Cockcroft 2001: 721).
- 27.
“verdadeira guerra santa” (Kubitschek 1962: 196).
- 28.
“o ingresso do Brasil no Primeiro Mundo. Até o final do século […] construirse-á no país uma sociedade efetivamente desenvolvida, democrática e soberana, assegurando-se a viabilidade econômica, social e política do Brasil como grande potência”.
- 29.
For a detailed account of the intellectual “group struggles” between structuralists and neoclassical monetarists in Brazil see Loureiro (2009).
- 30.
Dependency theorists, led by Cardoso, did call for democracy and civil society as elements of opposition to the authoritarian regimes (Hollensteiner 2005: 236).
- 31.
“O Estado Revolucionário, sob o qual nos encontramos no Brasil, transitório como deve ser, se apresenta como um produto da luta contra a anarquia que chegou a ameaçar os mais sagrados valores da nacionalidade. […] e não muito longe de atingir a maturidade social e politica, vemos que o estilo de vida democrático e o regime politico da democracia se fixam na consciência do povo, como interesse e aspiração nacional. Concretiza-se assim, o ONP [Objectivo Nacional Permanente] – DEMOCRACIA.”
- 32.
“proposta de modernização econômica pela privatização e abertura é a esperança de completar a liberdade política, […], com a mais ampla e efetiva liberdade econômica.”
- 33.
This has been termed the “hemispheric-bilateral” outlook of the neoliberal framing under which “Brazil, like other countries, joined with neoliberal governments in the region, to develop the agenda of universal hegemonic or internationally recognized values” (Bernal-Meza 2010: 198).
- 34.
“A questão é que o Brasil e outros países emergentes poderiam ter um desempenho melhor se a arquitetura financeira internacional fosse mais estável, mais previsível.”
- 35.
“credibilidade pela participação na ordem”.
- 36.
O Brasil está pronto para fazer a sua parte. E de fato, temos feito muito, em particular no plano regional.
- 37.
An initiative of the US National Endowment for Democracy.
- 38.
“autonomia pela mudança do ordem”.
- 39.
Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães, a former Professor at the University of Brasilia and Brazil’s Diplomatic Academy (Instituto Rio Branco) was Secretary General of Itamaraty between 2003 and October 2009, then he moved on as Ministro-Chefe of the Strategic Issues Secretariat (Secretaria de Assuntos Estratégicos) associated to the Office of the President.
- 40.
This and the following citations were taken from the first English edition of 2009, however the cited passages were already part of the first Portuguese edition of 1999.
- 41.
See footnote 104 on the translation of this term.
- 42.
Evidence of this is given for example by the fact that in 2003 Lula participated in both the World Social Forum and Davos, a year later he “skipped Porto Alegre and, a year later, he did not show up either in Mumbai, where the social summit had moved. What message could be crisper?” (Daudelin 2008: 56).
- 43.
The surprisingly low significance of desenvolvimentistas in the Lula administration also showed in the setup of the Lula government. Carlos Lessa, a disciple of Celso Furtado was selected to lead the national development bank BNDES as a “solitary national developmentalist Don Quijote in the midst of a team oriented mainly towards monetary issues” (Loureiro 2009: 132). After continued differences with the finance and development minsters over the degree of involvement of the state in the economy, he was fired in November 2004.
- 44.
For example, the “belief in Gandhian philosophy of non-violent passive resistance” of Albert Luthuli, former President of the ANC, is said to have been “unquestionable” (More 2004b: 208).
- 45.
Umkhonto we Sizwe is estimated to have had 7000–12,000 fighters, who organised 40–60 acts of sabotage per year (Falk 1985: 29–34).
- 46.
For example, Traeder (1975: 29–42) distinguishes between liberal, race-based, socialist and cultural Pan-Africanism.
- 47.
A first meeting, which introduced the term “Pan-African”, was called by the Trinidadian lawyer and author Henry Sylvester-Williams in London in 1900.
- 48.
See Braveboy-Wagner (2009: 77–79) for the milestones and setbacks in this process.
- 49.
See Snail (1992: 97–128) for a more detailed and differentiated account of Pan-Africanist influences in South Africa.
- 50.
For the pursuit of these objectives, Garvey founded an army (the African Legion), a Black Cross modeled on the Red Cross, which even had its own shipping line (Black Star Line), see Traeder (1975: 30).
- 51.
For example, the drafting of the 1948 ANC Youth League’s manifesto formulated a version of Africanism which explicitly drew on Garvey (Hill and Pirio 1987: 242).
- 52.
At the time, the racial approach of the PAC was more in tune with the understanding of Pan-Africanism in the rest of Africa and the competition between the PAC and the ANC for legitimate representation of the South African liberation movement led to the OAU acting as a “main impediment to gaining exclusive international legitimacy” (Thomas 1996: 234).
- 53.
The corresponding political party, the Azanian People’s Organization, has acquired only a single seat (ca. 0.355 % of the votes) in the elections since 1999.
- 54.
Its representation in the South African parliament fell from five seats (1.25 % of votes, 1994) to one seat (0.27 % of votes) in 2009.
- 55.
As Louw (2001: 17) explains: “The person one is to become “through other persons” is, ultimately, an ancestor. And, by the same token, these ‘other persons’ include ancestors. Ancestors are extended family. […] And, […], many Africans also believe in God through the mediation of ancestors”.
- 56.
According to Kwame Nkrumah the Pan-African ideal was supposed to be realised in four stages: “(1) ‘the attainment of freedom and independence’; (2) ‘the consolidation of that independence and freedom’; (3) the creation of unity and community between the African states’; and (4) ‘the economic and social reconstruction of Africa’” (Ajala 1988: 36, cit. in Schraeder 2001: 150).
- 57.
- 58.
The fusion of Pan-Africanism and socialist ideas was not without its critics, who stressed that its proponents tried to combine “two ideologies which were historically unrelated and conceptually antagonistic” (Tsomondo 1975: 39).
- 59.
On the role of traditional leaders under apartheid, see Hendricks and Ntsebeza (1999).
- 60.
- 61.
For a detailed account of how neoliberalism was increasingly adopted by the ANC, see the detailed analysis in Taylor (2001: 37–84).
- 62.
See Welsh (1998) for an overview of the “liberal inheritance” in South Africa.
- 63.
This is illustrated for instance, in the discourse around military missions. The use of military force was deeply discredited by the fact that under apartheid the South African Defence Force (SADF) had been used to fight the resistance to apartheid at home, and to invade and destabilise neighbouring countries (Truesdell 2009).
- 64.
Indeed, the anti-apartheid struggle of the ANC was frequently criticised by communist observers for its narrow focus on the goal of abolishment of apartheid and neglect of the class struggle (e.g. Lee 1971: 168–176).
- 65.
This is not to say, however, that a Pan-Africanist framing of foreign policy automatically meets with support by South African society as a whole. At this level, there seems to exist serious opposition to African solidarity, which is offset by xenophobic “hostility to fellow black Africans”, mainly based on the fear of job competition (Daniel et al. 2006: 36–37).
- 66.
The other elements being sovereignty as responsibility and accountability, African Renaissance and Southernism.
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Husar, J. (2016). Schools of Thought in Foreign Policy Discourse: The Potential for Convergence and Divergence Amongst IBSA States. In: Framing Foreign Policy in India, Brazil and South Africa. Contributions to Political Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-28715-7_4
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