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State Norms, Religious Norms, and Claims of Plural Normativity under Democratic Constitutions

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Part of the book series: Ius Comparatum - Global Studies in Comparative Law ((GSCL,volume 18))

Abstract

Contemporary democracies are open to cultural and religious diversity, but encounter problems when prevailing values and norms are questioned in the name of religious or cultural beliefs and practices. In many Western liberal democracies, legal pluralism is high on the agenda of law and religion scholars because State centred legality fails to do justice to the complexity of social and normative interactions. Legal pluralism provides the intellectual tools for understanding how cultural and religious identities and norms are shaped in different sectors of society. Nonetheless, legal pluralism provides no direct and clear answer to the question of how social order and equality can be upheld under democratic constitutions. Pluralism alone does not guarantee that coexistence among people who live their lives in different groups can be sustained by prosocial attitudes, rather than undermined by conflict. Social psychology, cultural anthropology, and political science investigate how those attitudes can be nurtured. This chapter argues that to understand and manage the tensions generated by the intersection of state norms and religious norms, the law should also make use of the insights provided by these disciplines on human behaviour in society.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This is possibly why Max Weber advanced the distinction between value rationality and instrumental rationality, the former being much more mysterious than the latter. Whether that distinction is defensible in terms of coherence is altogether a different matter, of course (on that distinction, in a critical vein, see: Oakes 2003). In any case, the work of Habermas on the relationship between religious beliefs and civic participation in political debates clearly draws upon it (Habermas 2008). Once more, one can ask whether his work resists criticism.

  2. 2.

    Although it may be anachronistic to represent Hobbes’ position in this way, he was anticipating the argument made in full by Cavanaugh, according to whom the distinction between religious and secular violence is problematic to say the least (Cavanaugh 2009).

  3. 3.

    Also known as the Duchess’ law, after the dictum of the Duchess in Lewis Carrol’s Alice’s adventures in Wonderland (1865), ch. IX.

  4. 4.

    Full citation: “Deep-seated preferences can not be argued about - you can not argue a man into liking a glass of beer - and therefore, when differences are sufficiently far reaching, we try to kill the other man rather than let him have his way. But that is perfectly consistent with admitting that, so far as appears, his grounds are just as good as ours.” (Holmes 1918).

  5. 5.

    As far as Europe is concerned, a new concept of citizenship is emerging at the European level, the implications of which are still to be fully worked out.

  6. 6.

    In the history of political thought, Tocqueville’s analysis of democracy points to the same conclusion highlighted above: Jaume (2014).

  7. 7.

    The point is well put by Ramsted’s contribution Chap. 3 in this volume: “Western law does not constitute universal law, not even in Western societies.” (emphasis added).

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Graziadei, M. (2016). State Norms, Religious Norms, and Claims of Plural Normativity under Democratic Constitutions. In: Bottoni, R., Cristofori, R., Ferrari, S. (eds) Religious Rules, State Law, and Normative Pluralism - A Comparative Overview. Ius Comparatum - Global Studies in Comparative Law, vol 18. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-28335-7_2

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