Abstract
Georgia is an interesting example to analyze among Eastern Partnership countries due to the variety of complex political processes taking place in the country. Georgia has been one of the most successful partners within EaP initiative, achieving considerable success in implementing policies and following the European Union integration path. However, a set of obstacles has remained for Georgia on its Western route. Continuous reluctance in European capitals toward further enlargement of the EU, especially with regard to countries belonging to Russia’s immediate neighborhood, has delayed the integration process. Security threats throughout the Eastern partnership region, coupled with fears of clashing with Moscow, have seemingly caused certain unease among certain member states to invest fully in the enlargement process vis-à-vis the region. Furthermore, shift of power in Georgia has raised a few questions in European circles regarding the country’s future commitment to the European goals, and therefore understanding these developments correctly is vital for EU–Georgia relations and Georgia as a country. This chapter therefore aims to analyze recent political developments in Georgia and their influence on the country’s relations with the EU.
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Notes
- 1.
Prodi (2002).
- 2.
Council of the European Union. Joint Declaration of the Prague Eastern Partnership Summit, 7 May Council of the European Union 2009 http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_PRES-09-78_en.htm.
- 3.
European Commission (2014).
- 4.
Müller (2011), pp. 64–92.
- 5.
Cornell (2013).
- 6.
Kottari and Wisniewski (2011).
- 7.
Wisniewski (2011), pp. 58–79.
- 8.
Cornell et al. (2005).
- 9.
Cornell (2013).
- 10.
Ibid.
- 11.
Kirchik (2010). Affairs, 1 July 2010. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/russia-fsu/2010-07-01/letter-tbilisi-georgia-between-two-powers.
- 12.
On 31 March of 1991, a referendum was held in Georgia: the question to answer was whether people wanted to restore Georgia’s independence on the basis of the Independence Act issued on 26 May of 1918. 90.3 % of population took part in the referendum, and 98.9 % of participants answered positively to the question.
- 13.
Nodia (2007).
- 14.
Nodia (2006).
- 15.
Engvall (2012).
- 16.
World Bank (2009).
- 17.
European Union External Action. European Neighborhood Policy–Overview. http://eeas.europa.eu/enp/index_en.htm.
- 18.
Beacháin and Coene (2014), pp. 923–941.
- 19.
Saakashvili, M. Inaugural Address. Tbilisi, January 25, 2004.
- 20.
Georgiev (2008).
- 21.
President Saakashvili during his 10 February 2005 annual address to the national parliament, as reported by Rustavi-2 TV station.
- 22.
Coppieters and Legvold (2005), pp. 274–290.
- 23.
Transparency International (2011).
- 24.
- 25.
World Bank. Ease of Doing Business in Georgia. Doing Business: Measuring Business Regulations http://www.doingbusiness.org/rankings.
- 26.
Cornell (2013).
- 27.
Ibid.
- 28.
Ibid.
- 29.
See report by Thomas Hammarberg, Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe, following his visit to Georgia from 18 to 20 April 2011. https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=1809789.
- 30.
Cornell (2013).
- 31.
Human Rights Watch (2006).
- 32.
Cornell (2013).
- 33.
Ibid.
- 34.
See, e.g., Cornell et al. (2007).
- 35.
See, e.g., Asmus, R “A little War that Shook the World”, Palgrave McMillan, 2010 and Starr, F and Cornell, S (eds) “The Guns of August 2008: Russia‘s War in Georgia” M.E. Sharpe, 2009.
- 36.
For further analysis, see Popjanevski, J, “Retribution and the Rule of Law: The Politics of Justice in Georgia”, Silk Road Paper, June 2015.
- 37.
See, e.g., EU Foreign Policy Chief Catherine Ashton’s statement in November 2012 that “there should be no selective justice; no retribution against political rivals. Investigations into past wrongdoings must be, and must be seen to be, impartial, transparent and in compliance with due process”, at http://georgiaonline.ge/articles/1359316127.php, and the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) October 2, 2014 resolution on “the Functioning of Democratic Institutions in Georgia.”, which expressed concern over “allegations that the arrests and prosecution of a number of former government-officials are politically motivated and amount to selective and revanchist justice”, at http://www.assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/Xref-XML2HTML-en.asp?fileid=21275&lang=en.
- 38.
”Georgia Overview”, The World Bank, February 2014, at http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/georgia/overview.
- 39.
For more information, see Cornell, S, “Is Georgia Slipping Away?”, in American Interest, November 13, 2014, at http://www.the-american-interest.com/2014/11/13/is-georgia-slipping-away/.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
- 43.
- 44.
- 45.
Ibid.
- 46.
- 47.
Author’s interviews with senior Georgian officials, 2014.
- 48.
- 49.
See e.g. Ciceri, M, “The Kremlin Pulls on Georgia”, in Foreign Policy – Democracy Lab, March 9, 2015, at http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/03/09/the-kremlin-pulls-on-georgia/, and author’s interviews in Tbilisi, 2015.
- 50.
See Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, “Antigay Protestors Disrupt Georgian Rights Rally”, May 17, 2013 at http://www.rferl.org/content/georgia-gay-rights-protests/24988972.html. http://www.rferl.org/content/georgia-gay-rights-protests/24988972.html.
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Chochia, A., Popjanevski, J. (2016). Change of Power and Its Influence on Country’s Europeanization Process. Case Study: Georgia. In: Kerikmäe, T., Chochia, A. (eds) Political and Legal Perspectives of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-27383-9_13
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