Abstract
The transition from the deconstruction of sovereignty as a fictional matter of arguable credibility to an empirical test of such a theorisation requires a methodological development. In order to assess the credibility of Swiss claims of state sovereignty in the frame of Swiss-EU bilateralism and to answer the research question, two hypotheses must be tested. Accordingly, it must be determined whether the formal presence of bilateralism and joint committees affects the credibility of Swiss claims of sovereignty as it applies domestically until proven otherwise. This comparative approach requires access to information provided by experts of the implementation of (1) domestic policies, (2) Swiss-EU bilateral agreements, and also (3) with joint committees. The latter constitutes the appropriate selective criterion to define the survey population that is to be approached through a questionnaire survey whose constitution respects methodological standards. In particular, the independent and dependent variables and the correlative dimensions and components are translated into the structure of the questionnaire as well as into the questions themselves. This follows the conception of items able to detect the presence of plurality of principals, path dependence, and functional/cultivated spillover and the possible Swiss sovereign/principal’s control over them as revealed by the experts. Through the use of snowball sampling a population of Swiss experts could be for the first time determined and reached and, by following the threefold structure of the questionnaire survey, factual data could be collected. The latter will allow us to test the hypothesis through a comparative approach applied to policy implementation.
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Notes
- 1.
Semantically, it is worth distinguishing between non-direct and indirect Europeanisation. The reason is that non-directly Europeanised Swiss public policies (i.e. those without Swiss-EU bilateralism and joint committees) are not necessarily touched by the indirect Europeanisation phenomenon. Despite a general recognition of the idea that Switzerland could be the object of indirect Europeanisation of some of its domestic policies, some may complain that it may not a priori be assumed that either this is true, or that this is relevant for the credibility of the Swiss claims of state sovereignty. Therefore, it is more discreet to consider the Europeanisation of Swiss domestic public policies as a variable whose extremes are “non-directly Europeanised Swiss domestic policy” and “directly Europeanised Swiss domestic policy”. In the presence of formal agreements such as the BAs, it is possible to speak of direct Europeanisation. In contrast, the lack of formal agreements does not guarantee the presence of indirect Europeanisation (the autonomer Nachvollzug can for instance be by default reclaimed as a form of Swiss sovereign decision totally unrelated to any form of external influence). In essence, as explained in this chapter as in the previous one, indirect Europeanisation cannot be included in the calculus of state sovereignty erosion because it formally lacks proof that this indirect influence is not due to a fully sovereign decision.
- 2.
See Kriesi on the relevance of direct democracy within the Swiss political system (Kriesi 1998: Chap. 4). Referring to Linder’s work (1994), Kriesi explains how the tools of direct democracy (i.e. the mandatory constitutional referendum; the optional referendum; and the popular initiative) represent a Swiss key-priority also influencing the worries concerning the Swiss accession to the EU (Kriesi 1998: Chap. 4). Following the vote on the “Stop Mass Immigration” popular initiative, this analysis is still valid.
- 3.
For instance, the Swiss Constitution formally mentions sovereignty only when referring to the Swiss Cantons whose “sovereignty is limited by the Federal Constitution” (The Swiss Confederation 1999: Art. 3).
- 4.
Luhmann’s analysis suggests that, in a Machiavellian moral perspective, lies are unavoidable in politics. Morality and politics constitute two different autonomous systems which cannot be used to understand one another (Luhmann 1994: 26, 28, and 35). This recalls the discussion on the credibility of sovereignty as a promise resting indeed on a match between an empty performative and its constative. Charlatan’s promises of sovereignty are not credible because empirically tested as vain, while the sovereign’s promises are credible because of their formal vagueness and consequent incontrovertibility.
- 5.
For very similar criteria see also Babbie (2007: Chap. 9).
- 6.
Babbie explains how “Respondents must be competent to answer – Respondents must be willing to answer” (2007: 243).
- 7.
- 8.
An unsuccessful attempt to circumvent this difficulty and inductively determine a nominal list of Swiss implementers of BAs was made by studying the joint committees’ decisions published on the web (The Swiss Confederation 2011; European Union - EUR-Lex 2011). Indeed, two persons, respectively representing the Swiss and EU sides regularly sign the joint committees’ decisions. This information is, however, insufficient to determine the whole population of Swiss participants at joint committee meetings. Furthermore, no other documents (such as for instance the meetings’ minutes) were accessible.
- 9.
In obedience to the anonymity and confidentiality criteria, these names are not mentioned. Indeed, “Participants should normally be given assurances (a) that their identity cannot and will not be divulged, and (b) that their answers will be treated in strictest confidence” (Buckingham and Saunders 2004: 85). The author personally guaranteed the respect of these two criteria at the time when the list of names was requested to the Swiss Integration Office and to the Mission of Switzerland to the European Union. Moreover, these 14 people could potentially become part of the participants responding to the questionnaire. The respect of anonymity and confidentiality thus already begins at this stage while defining the population.
- 10.
“Sometimes we deliberately want to sample in a nonrandom way, not just for reasons of efficiency or cost, but because a deliberately constructed, nonrandom sample serves a purpose for our research. […] A purposive sample does not attempt to replicate the full population. Rather it draws subjects to maximize variation in the independent variable of interest, so that the relationships we are looking for will be very clear” (Shively 2011: 103). See also Creswell and Plano Clark (2011: 173–174).
- 11.
- 12.
Yet, these persons accepted the idea of distributing the questionnaire to their collaborators after a detailed explanation of the main purposes of the survey.
- 13.
For some Chief Operating Officers, the confidentiality issue was not particularly relevant. Indeed, they mentioned their collaborators’ names during telephone calls or through e-mail correspondence.
- 14.
Yet, we had to consider that the definition of the population through snowball sampling is just one phase of the operationalisation also covering many other methodological and instrumental choices. Moreover, “[…] the researcher must actively develop and control the sample’s initiation, progress and conclusion” (Faugier and Sargeant 1997: 792).
- 15.
“Behavioral compliance can arise from two theoretically distinguishable sources. First, it can arise from individual-sanction-based control. Here an agent, such as a teacher, parent, or AIDS prevention counselor, targets an individual for control, for example, by promising a reward for a respondent undergoing an interview. The result is a dyadic relation of the sort presumed in most analyses of influence relations, a primary incentive. Second, compliance can arise from group-mediated social control (Heckathorn 1990). For example, respondents can be rewarded not only for their own participation in a study, but also for participation they elicit from a peer” (Heckathorn 1997: 177).
- 16.
Evidence of the Chief Operating Officers’ concrete activism could be concretely verified in their effective help to distribute not only the questionnaire, but also the successive reminders.
- 17.
Biernacki and Waldorf use the chain term as a synonym of snowball sampling: “Snowball or chain referral sampling is a method that has been widely used in qualitative sociological research” (Biernacki and Waldorf 1981: 141).
- 18.
This concretely means that the number of respondents for a given joint committee simply depends on the number of participants. Since there is not a general rule or indication concerning the number of participants in each joint committee, it is impossible to a priori predict and quantify that participation.
- 19.
During the fieldwork, the size of the sample reached through snowball sampling was totally unpredictable. Before the possibility of dealing with a final small sample, Waksberg suggests: “For small samples, it probably is worth the effort of stratification” (Waksberg 1978: 45). However, because of the exploratory nature of this survey referring to a population whose features still needed to be determined, such stratification was at any rate impossible.
- 20.
In this example, there are four rounds of distribution indicated by the number of digits in the number of each individual (i.e. individual 1 was reached after the first round of distribution, while individual 1.3.1.1 was reached after the fourth). Each round of distribution implies that an individual having received the questionnaire could be compliant and also proceed in its further distribution.
- 21.
Only two individuals, who were not Chief Operating Officers, suggested other names to contact. Only in one case was someone neither ready to participate nor to transmit the questionnaire.
- 22.
This can be the case, for instance, when two Chief Operating Officers submit the questionnaire to the same individual because of her/his participation in more than one joint committee. However, even if some individuals could a priori participate in different Swiss-EU joint committees, their experience must be recorded just once.
- 23.
The self-administered questionnaire is “the method in which respondents are asked to complete the questionnaires themselves” (Babbie 1989: 238).
- 24.
The criteria are: cost; length of data collection period; response rate; quality of the database produced; and accessibility to respondents (Czaja and Blair 2005: 35).
- 25.
- 26.
The work by Bartlett II et al. “describes the procedures for determining sample size for continuous and categorical variables using Cochran’s (1977) formulas. A discussion and illustration of sample size formulas, including the formula for adjusting the sample size for smaller populations, is included” (Bartlett et al. 2001: 43). Accordingly, depending on the size of the research sample, it becomes crucial to give the right weight to the proper techniques, making the statistical analysis reliable (to this end, see Cohen’s work and his effective Table I (1992: 157). As Tversky and Kahneman warn (1993: 343), the point therefore consists of taking due care of the different statistical implications of possibly dealing with a small rather than large sample.
- 27.
See end of Chap. 4.
- 28.
“Measurement, as practiced in the social sciences today, remains relatively haphazard and unsystematic, despite the efforts and exhortations of many distinguished scholars […]. The dominant approach is the indicator approach, in which social scientists seek to identify the best possible empirical indicators of their theoretical concepts” (Ragin 2008: 177).
- 29.
Deltas could be positive or negative. In both cases the research hypotheses could be maintained. If there were no deltas, the research null-hypotheses could not be rejected. Positive or negative deltas will then determine whether directly Europeanised implementation of BAs and joint committees increase or decrease (or have an impact on) the presence of indicators of sovereignty erosion within C2 and C3 with respect to C1 to which the formalist (re)claim of organised sovereignty hypocrisy perfectly works and keeps intact credibility by default of factual counterevidence.
- 30.
Accordingly, the “Study treats independent variables as parameters whose average effects can be estimated across the full population of cases” (Mahoney and Larkin Terrie 2008: 740).
- 31.
LimeSurvey is an online survey software available at LimeSurvey.com (LimeSurvey 2011). Similar to what Creswell explains by referring to another online survey tool, thanks to LimeSurvey “researchers can generate their own surveys quickly using custom templates and post them on Web sites or e-mail them for participants to complete” (Creswell 2009: 149).
- 32.
“Sometimes, a questionnaire will branch into different sections and respondents will be directed to one part or another according to how they answer a filtering question” (Buckingham and Saunders 2004: 83). Accordingly, thanks to the presence of three filtering questions, respondents not involved in at least one of the three distinguished institutional configurations could automatically move on to the next applicable section of questions. Moreover, the reiteration of three rounds of the same questions adapted to three different institutional configurations accelerated and simplified the understanding of the whole questionnaire. To this end, at the very beginning of the online survey, respondents could immediately read a brief introduction of the questionnaire structure and purposes, indicating that nearly 20 min were enough to complete it. This aimed to provide the respondents with clear instructions to facilitate their work (Babbie 1989: 150–152). Furthermore, additional instructions were added when moving from one section to another in order to “make sense out of the questionnaire for the respondent” (Babbie 1989: 151).
- 33.
These questions – sometimes perceived by respondents as rather intrusive – are preferably put at the end of the questionnaire in order to avoid having people then refusing to answer the whole questionnaire (Babbie 1989: 151).
- 34.
This exploratory study could therefore firstly profit from the existence of previous related studies from which it can draw inspiration. In addition, when applicable, a combination of both closed and open-ended questions was used. “Sometimes, a combination of both closed and open – ended questions works best. This involves providing respondents with a number of defined responses, and also an additional category (other) that they can tick if the response they wish to give is not listed. […] This combination of closed and open-ended questions is particularly useful in the early stages of research in an area, as it gives an indication of whether the defined response categories adequately cover all the responses that respondents wish to give” (Pallant 2010: 8–9).
- 35.
“Measurement focuses on the crucial relationship between the empirically grounded indicator(s) – that is, the observable response – and the underlying unobservable concepts(s). When this relationship is a strong one, analysis of empirical indicators can lead to useful inferences about the relationships among the underlying concepts. In this manner, social scientists can evaluate the empirical applicability of theoretical propositions” (Carmines and Zeller 1979: 10–11).
- 36.
There are four criteria to test the validity of a survey question: face validity, content validity, internal validity and external validity (Buckingham and Saunders 2004: 65).
- 37.
Caporaso’s quotation confirms the idea that path dependence is not a priori erosive of state sovereignty, but could become problematic whether accompanied, for instance, by a lack of the sovereign/principal’s control over the appearance of external influences, such as those caught by the plurality of principals, or other forms of agency slippage already presented.
- 38.
“Try to provide as wide a choice of responses to your questions as possible. […]. Don’t just ask respondents whether they agree or disagree with a statement – use a Likert-type scale, […]” (Pallant 2010: 9). As will be further discussed in Chap. 7, this choice also has positive implications concerning the subsequent statistical analysis: “This type of response scale gives you a wider range of possible scores, and increases the statistical analysis that are available to you” (Pallant 2010: 9).
- 39.
See the “multiple-principals problem” determined by the competition between delegation to private and public sector agents illustrated by Mattli and Büthe (2005).
- 40.
As explained, this logic applies except when there is a non-formally integrated institutional configuration such as C1, allowing the undeniable use of the until proven otherwise logic, making the sovereign/principal claims of sovereignty credible by default of counterevidence.
- 41.
Indeed, it has to be here investigated “whether the states retain even last-analysis sovereignty to impose their will (or, indeed, to recover the competence and capacity to do so)” (Walker 2011: 99).
- 42.
Special thanks for their relevant contributions to evaluate the questionnaire are addressed to (in alphabetical order) Dr. Samuele Cavalli, Prof. Matteo Gianni, Prof. Marco Giugni, Prof. Simon Hug, Dr. Damiano Matasci, Dr. Alessandro Nai, Dr. Francesca Pusterla and Prof. Pascal Sciarini.
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Pusterla, E. (2016). Testing Swiss Sovereignty Credibility. In: The Credibility of Sovereignty – The Political Fiction of a Concept. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26318-2_6
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