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China’s Sea Power Aspirations and Strategic Behaviour in the South China Sea from the Theoretical Perspective of Identity Construction

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Part of the book series: Global Power Shift ((GLOBAL))

Abstract

This paper seeks to place China’s territorial disputes in the South China Sea within the context of its aspirations to develop itself as a global power and a sea power in particular. Most studies on China’s great power ambition and its conduct in the South China Sea are underpinned by Realist theories. While Realism offers some useful insights into China’s foreign policy, it is inadequate in elucidating the role of identity in shaping Chinese security discourse and strategic behaviour. Drawing on Constructivism and social identity theory, the paper argues that China’s recent activities in the South China Sea should be perceived as part of an on-going process of identity construction. Since 2009 Chinese leaders and policy elites have been striving to construct a much more self-assured and potent national identity for China that would commensurate with its growing economic strength and military capabilities. This paper demonstrates how the development of Chinese maritime capabilities is inextricably linked to Beijing’s efforts to construct the identity of a great power that has full command of the sea in its surrounding areas and beyond. Thus, China’s sea power aspirations should be understood in relation to Chinese leaders’ apprehensions of potential US intervention in the maritime disputes in the South China Sea (and East China Sea) and their attempts to reshape the US-led regional security order.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Tønnesson (2012), Landingin and Hille (2011).

  2. 2.

    Swaine (2012), Johnston (2013), Friedberg (2015), Dicke and Holbig (2014), Jerdén (2014).

  3. 3.

    Fravel (2011), Thayer (2012).

  4. 4.

    Friedberg (2012), Mastro (2015).

  5. 5.

    Roy (1994, 2003).

  6. 6.

    Organski (1958), Organski and Kugler (1980).

  7. 7.

    Gilpin (1981).

  8. 8.

    Mastro (2015).

  9. 9.

    Mearsheimer (2014).

  10. 10.

    Smith (1991).

  11. 11.

    Kim (2004).

  12. 12.

    Wendt (1999).

  13. 13.

    Campbell (1998).

  14. 14.

    Abrams and Hogg (1990).

  15. 15.

    Neumann (1992).

  16. 16.

    Kim (2004).

  17. 17.

    Kim and Dittmer (1993).

  18. 18.

    Rozman (2012).

  19. 19.

    Rozman (1999).

  20. 20.

    Wang (2012).

  21. 21.

    For an analysis of China’s security imaginary in relation to its identity construction and defence modernization, see Li (2016).

  22. 22.

    Pretorious (2008).

  23. 23.

    Kaplowitz (1990).

  24. 24.

    Hu (2007).

  25. 25.

    Sui (2013), Huang (2014), Li (2013).

  26. 26.

    Wendt (1999), p. 236.

  27. 27.

    Hogg et al. (1995).

  28. 28.

    Hagström and Jerdén (2014). See also Morriss (2002).

  29. 29.

    See Li (2009), Chapters 6 and 7.

  30. 30.

    Ibid.

  31. 31.

    Xin and Zhang (2010), BBC News (2010).

  32. 32.

    Tang (2010).

  33. 33.

    See, for example, Pan (2010), Yu (2010), Cai (2010), Pan (2012).

  34. 34.

    Yu (2010), p. 1.

  35. 35.

    Zhan (2012).

  36. 36.

    Zhang (2010).

  37. 37.

    Zhu (2006).

  38. 38.

    Ni (2007).

  39. 39.

    Zhang (2003). See also Zhang (2009).

  40. 40.

    Yu (2008). See also Lu (2009).

  41. 41.

    ‘China Voice: Building China into Maritime Power Essential for Future Development’, Xinhua, 14 November 2012, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/special/18cpcnc/2012-11/14/c_131973164.htm; ‘Xi Advocates Efforts to Boost China's Maritime Power’, Xinhua, 31 July 2013, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2013-07/31/c_132591246.htm.

  42. 42.

    Ross (2009).

  43. 43.

    Hughes (2011).

  44. 44.

    Wang and Jiang (2012). I am indebted to Professor Wang Dong for drawing my attention to this book chapter and giving me a copy of it during my visit to Peking University.

  45. 45.

    战略评估 2013 (Strategic Review 2013), (北京: 军事科学院国防政策研究中心, 2014), p. 35.

  46. 46.

    Li (2012).

  47. 47.

    Moore (2011).

  48. 48.

    Rushton (2014).

  49. 49.

    Monaghan (2014).

  50. 50.

    Spencer (2009), Klare (2010).

  51. 51.

    ‘Chinese Secure Foreign Oil in $100B Buying Spree’, United Press International, 26 June 2013, http://www.upi.com/Business_News/Energy-Resources/2013/06/26/Chinese-secure-foreign-oil-in-100B-buying-spree/UPI-41271372279165/.

  52. 52.

    Saunders et al. (2012).

  53. 53.

    Li (2009), Office of Naval Intelligence (2009).

  54. 54.

    The first island chain covers the Kurile islands through the islands of Japan, Ryukyu, Archipelago, Taiwan, the Philippines to Borneo Island.

  55. 55.

    Wang and Jiang (2012).

  56. 56.

    O’Rourke (2014).

  57. 57.

    U.S. Department of Defense (2014), Karotkin (2014).

  58. 58.

    Karotkin (2014).

  59. 59.

    U.S. Department of Defense (2014, pp. 7–8), U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (2013).

  60. 60.

    Report to Congress, 2013, Ibid.

  61. 61.

    U.S. Department of Defense (2013, p. 7), U.S. Department of Defense (2014, p. 8).

  62. 62.

    Ibid.

  63. 63.

    U.S. Department of Defense (2013, p. 7), U.S. Department of Defense (2014, pp. 8–9).

  64. 64.

    O’Rourke (2014, pp. 3–38).

  65. 65.

    See 辽宁舰 (Liaoning Aircraft Carrier), 环球军事 (Global Military), http://weapon.huanqiu.com/liaoningaircraftcarrier.

  66. 66.

    Wan (2014).

  67. 67.

    U.S. Department of Defense (2013, p. 6), U.S. Department of Defense (2014, p. 7), Report to Congress, U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (2013, p. 213).

  68. 68.

    Mahnken (2011).

  69. 69.

    Erickson (2013).

  70. 70.

    Till (2012).

  71. 71.

    Mahnken (1999).

  72. 72.

    You (2013).

  73. 73.

    Keck (2014).

  74. 74.

    Gruss (2014a, 2014b).

  75. 75.

    Zhao (2014).

  76. 76.

    U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress, p. 9.

  77. 77.

    Ibid., p. 32.

  78. 78.

    This can be traced to Mao’s philosophical thinking in that one does not need to be as strong as one’s opponents to win a war. See Wang (2004).

  79. 79.

    Clinton (2011, 2014).

  80. 80.

    Felsenthal and Spetalnick (2014).

  81. 81.

    Lee and Taylor (2014).

  82. 82.

    Reuters (2015).

  83. 83.

    Cooper and Perlezmay (2015).

  84. 84.

    Qi (2013). Lieutenant General Qi Jianguo is the PLA Deputy Chief of the General Staff.

  85. 85.

    He (2014), Wu (2012), Chu (2014).

  86. 86.

    Li (2009), Chapters 2 and 3.

  87. 87.

    Grammaticas (2013).

  88. 88.

    Lu (2014); ‘China Initiates Multilateral Defense Dialogue’, 25 November 2014, Ministry of National Defence, People’s Republic of China, http://eng.mod.gov.cn/SpecialReports/2014-11/25/content_4553805.htm.

  89. 89.

    Wang (2014).

  90. 90.

    For a perceptive analysis of the nature, development and significance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, see Fels (2013).

  91. 91.

    For details of the CICA, see its official website, http://www.s-cica.org/page.php?page_id=7&lang=1.

  92. 92.

    ‘Why China is creating a new “world bank” for Asia?’, The Economist, 11 November 2014, http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2014/11/economist-explains-6.

  93. 93.

    Wang (2015).

  94. 94.

    ‘习近平出席中央外事工作会议并发表重要讲话’ (‘Xi Jinping Attended the Central Foreign Affairs Meeting and Delivered an Important Speech’), 新华网 (Xinhuanet), 29 November 2014, http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-11/29/c_1113457723.htm.

  95. 95.

    Ibid.

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Li, R. (2016). China’s Sea Power Aspirations and Strategic Behaviour in the South China Sea from the Theoretical Perspective of Identity Construction. In: Fels, E., Vu, TM. (eds) Power Politics in Asia’s Contested Waters. Global Power Shift. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26152-2_6

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