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The Textual Transmission

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The Aristotelian Mechanics

Part of the book series: Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science ((BSPS,volume 316))

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Abstract

This chapter presents my complete analysis of all 31 extant manuscripts of the Mechanics, its division into three manuscript families, and my newly established stemma codicum, illustrating the affiliations among the manuscripts. This research led to new insights concerning the transmission of the Mechanics. Most importantly, I have shown the urgent need for a new text. First, the most recent edition by Maria Elisabetta Bottecchia (Aristotele: MHXANIKA, Tradizione manoscritta, testo critico, scolii. Padua: Antenore, 1982) contains serious errors. For instance, Bottecchiaʼs stemma codicum makes manuscripts depend on others in a way that is incompatible with strong evidence concerning the chronology of the manuscripts. Second, all of the editions since the Aldine have been strongly influenced by the paraphrase of the Mechanics by the Byzantine scholar, Georgius Pachymeres. Therefore, a new critical edition of the text is needed, in which these paraphrastic traces are separated from the authentic text.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Results from my analysis of the Greek manuscript tradition of the Mechanics have already been published in van Leeuwen (2013).

  2. 2.

    Hadot (1978), 89, dates V2 between 1317 and 1338; see Harlfinger (1971), 266 on the date of Wa.

  3. 3.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 21 and 28.

  4. 4.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 63.

  5. 5.

    This has already been noticed by Hilgers (1992), 63.

  6. 6.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 168. Without giving any reasons based on the textual evidence, Bottecchia (1982), 17 rejects the dating by Harlfinger and proposes a date for Ha in the twelfth century: “È più probabile che esso sia stato scritto nel secolo XII, come si desume dallʼ analisi calligrafica.”

  7. 7.

    See Rashed (2001), 250.

  8. 8.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 165–166.

  9. 9.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 159–160.

  10. 10.

    See Siwek (1961), 42–46.

  11. 11.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 162–163.

  12. 12.

    See n.6. Because of Bottecchiaʼs incorrect early dating of Ha to the twelfth century, she can exclude the possibility that Ha was copied from the younger codex L. In order to show an independence of both manuscripts, she thus only needs to prove that L is not a copy of Ha. She does so on p. 40 by giving some examples in which L contains a reading that is more complete than the variant in Ha. Although most of the examples stated here are correct, Bottecchia forgets to mention those cases where L is less complete than Ha, e.g. lines in 852b16-17 that are only omitted in L. To sum up, Bottecchia reaches the correct conclusion that Ha and L are independent witnesses derived from a common source. However, she draws this conclusion based on an erroneous examination of the codicological evidence.

  13. 13.

    See e.g. Harlfinger (1971), 247–261 on LI; Nussbaum (1976), 128–131 on MA; and Bloch (2008), 51–56 on Sens. and Mem.

  14. 14.

    See e.g. at 848a6, 850a24, 850a31, 851a13, 852b26, 854b27, 855a3, 856a24, 856a34, 857b12 and 858b11.

  15. 15.

    Manuscripts Mv and D1, which contain only part of the readings of family b, will be discussed below.

  16. 16.

    See Vogel and Gardthausen (1909), 221. Vogel was the first to decipher the name Ἰωσήφ as the copyist of P, although the name was hardly recognizable. Harlfinger (1971), 253 confirmed this assumption by finding another manuscript Vind.Hist.gr. 16 by the hand of the same scribe. This enabled him to dispel the controversy surrounding the dating of P and to propose a date in the second half of the fourteenth century.

  17. 17.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 250.

  18. 18.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 80–82. Bottecchia mentions the contaminated character of D1, but does not notice its close connection with Mv. She lists Mv among the manuscripts collated by her, but apart from a description in the first chapter, this manuscript does not appear in her classification and, in her view, it is therefore not clear to which family it belongs.

  19. 19.

    Dependence of Mv on D1 can be ruled out by reason of omissions in D1, e.g. at 847a27, 848a16, 849b5, 851b38, 853a22 and 854a19, by reason of more complete readings in Mv at 849b17, 853b10 and 854a24, and of individual errors in D1 at 851a25, 851b8, 851b30, 852b1, 854b13 and 856b14. Dependence of D1 on Mv seems unlikely, since in D1 Kamariotes had other difficulties in reading his source than he had in Mv: at 849a8 [lac.] om. εὔλογον D1: εὔλογον Mv; 849b17 ἔσται [lac.] om. ἤν D1: ἔσται δὲ A om. ἤν Mv; 857a4 αἱ [lac.] πλευραὶ D1: αἱ πλευραὶ Mv.

  20. 20.

    Codex Ambr. P80 sup. might form an additional connecting link between P, Ba and Be. Burnikel (1974), 72 states that Ambr. P80 sup. is mutilated and contains in its present form only the Opuscula of Theophrastus. It likely contained also the Aristotelian texts that were transmitted together with Theophrastus in Ba and Be, including the Mechanics, as Sicherl (1997), 92 notes. In that case, in order to explain the shared errors of Ba and Be against P (e.g. at 858a23 φαίνεται Ba and Be: φέρεται P), Ambr. P80 sup. would occupy a position in the stemma as a copy of P and the exemplar of the independent copies Ba and Be.

  21. 21.

    See inter alia Vendruscolo (1996), 549–550 and Andrist (2007), 188–196.

  22. 22.

    Chapter 5 treats in more detail Leonico Tomeo’s Latin translation of the text, the Mechanical Questions. This work is especially interesting regarding the diagrams contained in it, which are influenced by the diagrams in Be.

  23. 23.

    See Sicherl (1997), 96.

  24. 24.

    Apelt (1888), VI, assumes that Bekker included some of Leonico Tomeo’s emendations in his edition; this has now been confirmed by my collations. It might also be possible that Bekker did not consult Leonico Tomeo’s commentary himself, but borrowed Leonico Tomeo’s emendations from the edition by van Cappelle. Van Cappelle included many emendations by Leonico Tomeo in his critical apparatus.

  25. 25.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 56–58.

  26. 26.

    Dependence of Ba on Oa before latter received emendation can be ruled on the basis of the omission of 858b25-26 in Oa.

  27. 27.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 22.

  28. 28.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 54. Bottecchia argues for this double derivation from P and the archetype by means of the following example, where she claims that the scribe was uncertain how to choose between the readings in his sources and in the end combined both: Bottecchia reads at 849b12 ἐν τ[lac.] ἐφ’ οὗ X σημεῖον Oa: ἐν ἐφ’ οὗ X σημεῖον Ha: ἐν τῶ ἐφ’ οὗ X σημεῖον P. As my collations have proven, the readings in Oa and P are not deviant at all, since both read: ἐν τ[lac.] ἐφ’ οὗ X σημεῖον. Therefore it is not necessary to assume a further dependence apart from that of P on the archetype.

  29. 29.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 46. Here Bottecchia cites some small variants contained in both Q and Vph, on the basis of which she concludes that a direct dependence of Vph upon Q is evident. The omission of several passages in Q alone already shows that such a relation must be dismissed.

  30. 30.

    Codex V2 contains abstracts from the Mechanics and is on the basis of its many modifications and strong paraphrastic character presented in Sect. 3.1.5 on contaminated and incomplete manuscripts.

  31. 31.

    Bottecchia (1982), 145–165, was the first editor to include the scholia to the Mechanics in her edition. However, it is important to notice that not only the scholia from family c are contained in this edition, but also the glosses added by Pachymeres (from the codex Mu), which should be distinguished from the “real” scholia.

  32. 32.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 266, on the date of V1. The full name of the copyist remained unknown until recently. As Harlfinger informed me in October 2009 he was able to decipher the name of the copyist from another manuscript Berol.Phill. 1582 by the same hand.

  33. 33.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 28.

  34. 34.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 285–290 on the relation between V1 and M1 for LI, and Berger (2005), 147–151 on HA.

  35. 35.

    See Rashed (2001), 69.

  36. 36.

    See Stornajolo (1895), 49.

  37. 37.

    See Mioni (1972), 246–247 and Zorzi (1993), 40. As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, Bottecchia (1982), 21 acknowledges a dating of Um before 1446, but still believes that this codex is a copy from the manuscript Wa, written around 1465. At p.63–64 she comes to the following conclusion: “È più facile, dunque, supporre che sia Um a copiare da Wa, anziché Wa da Um, anche se Um dovette colmare con lʼaiuto di altri codici le due omissioni di Wa.”

  38. 38.

    See Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994), 346.

  39. 39.

    See Diels (1905), 38; Napolitano et al. (1977), 26–27; Formentin (1997), 213–214.

  40. 40.

    As Harlfinger informed me in a conversation in May 2010.

  41. 41.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 68.

  42. 42.

    Bottecchia (1982), 28.

  43. 43.

    See n.2 on the dating of V2.

  44. 44.

    As I mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, in Bottecchiaʼs assessment of the manuscripts, V2 is a copy of Wa. This attribution speaks against the chronology of the manuscripts. At p.28 Bottecchia dates V2 to the fifteenth century, without referring to a source or providing grounds for this late dating.

  45. 45.

    Harlfinger (1971), 265 gives a terminus post quem for this manuscript of between 1300 and 1325.

  46. 46.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 310.

  47. 47.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 45.

  48. 48.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 309–310 where he mentions the highly contaminated character of Na in the case of the treatise LI.

  49. 49.

    See Omont (1888), 274. Bottecchia (1982), 27 adopted this date by Omont and attributed Pt to the fifteenth century.

  50. 50.

    See Pingree (1968), XI.

  51. 51.

    See Turyn (1972), 241–244 on Marc.gr. V.13 and 245–248 on Laur.Plut. 28.16. For the hand of Ambramios see plates 201 and 203. See further Vogel and Gardthausen (1909), 167.

  52. 52.

    See Mondrain (2007), 167.

  53. 53.

    See Mondrain (2007), Figs. 1 and 2.

  54. 54.

    See Bottecchia (1982), 84.

  55. 55.

    From my analysis of both manuscripts, it turns out that Bottecchiaʼs certain attribution of P4 as a copy of M1, and Ps as a copy of Um, is highly problematic and unlikely.

  56. 56.

    See Zografidis (2011), 394.

  57. 57.

    See Pappa (2002), 29 on the Metaph.

  58. 58.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 349.

  59. 59.

    Wartelle (1963); see no. 1038, where he lists Mu as a manuscript containing the Aristotelian Mechanics.

  60. 60.

    These autographs were identified by Harlfinger (1971), 357–358.

  61. 61.

    See Harlfinger (1971), 358 n.1.

  62. 62.

    For this reason Pachb is a not a new Aristotelian manuscript as Hilgers (1992), 62–64, assumes. Hilgers noticed for the text passage 857b14–858b31 a proximity to the manuscripts L and Q. Apart from some small similarities between these manuscripts, there are too many peculiar readings in both L and Q, which make such an affiliation impossible. Peculiar errors in L can be found at 857b18, 857b33, 858a1, 858a12, 858a15, 858a16 and 858b25. And in Q: at 857b18, 858a1, 858a15, 858a16, 858a23, 858b11, 858b25 and 858b26. Furthermore, L and Q do not share the variants of Pachb at 857b15, 857b33, 858b5 and 858b11.

  63. 63.

    It should be noted that codex L contains at 847b26 after ἀλλήλων a scholium in the text that is similar in part to a remark in the text of Pachymeres. It is possible that it was added by Pachymeres to his exemplar and copied from here by the scribe of L; since this is the only case in the whole text of the Mechanics, we cannot say anything definite on possible interventions by Pachymeres in his exemplar. Something similar happens in some variants, where Ha agrees with manuscripts from other families in a minor error, whereas L and Pachymeres contain the correct variant, for example, at 851b19 μόνον L/Pach.: μένον Ha; 853a34 ἐκ θατέρου L/Pach.: ἑκατέρου Ha; 856b36 τρυπήματα L/Pach.: τρυπήματι Ha. This is possibly a further indication that Pachymeres might have been responsible for making some smaller adjustments in his exemplar. In this case, his corrections influenced only codex L, since Ha had probably already been copied from the hyparchetype when Pachymeres accessed this manuscript.

  64. 64.

    See Bottecchia (1976), 389–392. Bottecchia here lists the text passages where V3 and the Aldine agree against the other manuscripts. In most cases manuscript Be shares the reading of V3/Aldine, and where it has a different reading, the paraphrase by Pachymeres provides the variant of V3/Aldine, see, for example at 854b20, 856a4, 857a24, 857b12, 857b32 and 857b38. Since Bottecchia did not recognize the paraphrase of Pachymeres, she does not give a satisfying explanation for those “peculiar” readings in V3, where V3 has a reading different from all other manuscripts. They are definitely not a result of a derivation from the manuscripts L and P as presented in her stemma at p.392. Bottecchia probably supposes a different hyparchetype for V3, as she does in her edition of the Mechanics. However, as my collations have proven, these “peculiar” readings in V3 do not stem from a new hyparchetype, but are variants by Pachymeres.

  65. 65.

    See Sicherl (1997), 95–96.

  66. 66.

    See Canart (1977–1979), 282.

  67. 67.

    See Canart (1977–1979), 281.

  68. 68.

    Capocci (1958), 24, also dates it to the beginning of the sixteenth century.

  69. 69.

    That V3 descends from Nc can be ruled out on the basis of omissions in Nc, as e.g. at 847b23–24 and 849b5. The arrangement of the title page of Nc is a perfect copy of V3.

  70. 70.

    See e.g. Moody and Clagett (1952), amongst others 124–125, 147, 170 and Crombie (1967), 114–120.

  71. 71.

    See Haskins (1927), 316–317.

  72. 72.

    Transl. Wood and Fyfe (1943), 70. See Haskins (1927), 316 n.113 for the Latin text.

  73. 73.

    See Clagett (1959), 71.

  74. 74.

    See Clagett (1959), 71–72.

  75. 75.

    See Ibel (1908), 123–125.

  76. 76.

    See e.g. Peters (1968), 61. Peters notes that the Mechanics was possibly employed, though not cited by name, in the Mizan al-Hikma of al-Khazini. He further states that there is no distinct trace of a translation in either the Arabic or Arabic-Latin manuscript tradition.

  77. 77.

    See most importantly Abattouy (2001a, b).

  78. 78.

    See Abattouy (2001a), 96.

  79. 79.

    I do not agree with Abattouy (2001a), 122, that the text of the Nutaf min al-hiyal comprises all important aspects of the Greek text. The geometrical analysis of motion cannot be regarded as a mere digression, since it offers the authorʼs justification of the central argument in the text that the longer radius moves more quickly than the smaller one. Abattouyʼs conclusion that the Arabic version presents the authentic text, whereas the Greek contains many later comments and additions, including the geometrical proof, should be rejected on these grounds.

  80. 80.

    See Abattouy (2001a), 104.

  81. 81.

    See Abattouy (2001a), 106.

  82. 82.

    See Abattouy (2001a), 106–107.

  83. 83.

    See Ibel (1908), 120–121 and Abattouy (2001b), 192 and 194. The same diagrams, now with Arabic labelling as well, can be found in Khanikoffʼs partial publication and translation of the Kitab Mizan al-Hikma; for these see Khanikoff (1860), 89 and 92.

  84. 84.

    Unfortunately, I have not yet been able to consult either of the manuscripts myself. As Abattouy (2001a), 108 mentions, two complete copies of the Kitab Mizan al-Hikma are preserved: one in Saint Petersburg (Khanikoff MS 117), and the other in Hyderabad (MS Riyāḍī 125). Apart from the diagrams preceding the Nutaf min al-hiyal, I do not consider it likely that the text of the Nutaf min al-hiyal itself contains any diagrams in the Arabic manuscripts. Since the geometrical analysis of motion was left out of the Arabic version, the text does not contain any letter labels that refer to a corresponding diagram.

  85. 85.

    Abattouy (2000), 10–11 notes that the same set of letters is used in the second problem of the Mechanics as well as in the Arabic version. Some letters coincide, which is self-evident when many of them are used in a geometrical construction, but apart from that I cannot find any similarities.

  86. 86.

    See Abattouy (2001a), 101–102.

  87. 87.

    See Abattouy (2001a), 101–103.

  88. 88.

    See n.24 on the influence of Leonico Tomeoʼs Mechanical Questions on Bekkerʼs edition.

  89. 89.

    See Apelt (1888), VI–VII.

  90. 90.

    See e.g. Ch. 4 n.62 for the readings in Par at 855b8 and 855b22, and Ch. 5 n.19 for 849b12-14.

  91. 91.

    See Sect. 3.2 on the relationship between Pachymeresʼ paraphrase and the Aldine.

  92. 92.

    Variants can be found at 849a23, 849a27, 849a31, 849b3, 849b7, 849b12, 849b14, 849b16, 850a27, 851a22, 851a24, 851a27, 851a36, 851a39, 853a30, 854b23, 854b36, 855a6, 855a7, 855b9, 855b16, 855b23, 855b28, 855b37, 855b39, 856b9, 856b15, 857a10, 857a11, 857a17, 857a26, 857b7, 858a2, 858a30 and 858b2.

  93. 93.

    See Diels (1969), 203.

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van Leeuwen, J. (2016). The Textual Transmission. In: The Aristotelian Mechanics. Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, vol 316. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-25925-3_3

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