Abstract
In this chapter, we provide a general discussion of communications between scientists in East and West from the 1920s, up to around the 1980s, with the focus being upon personal contacts between scientists: correspondence and face-to-face meetings. We will see that the initially quite easy contacts of the 1920s became rather more difficult under Stalin, before picking up again slightly during the Second World War, and then more dramatically following Stalin’s death.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
Levels of Russian/Soviet attendance at the ICMs, as recorded in Table 2.1, will be used for illustrative purposes throughout this chapter. I have compiled these figures by using the various congress proceedings and other sources, and some of the numbers given differ from those that appear in previous books and articles on the ICMs. In the interests of saving space, I do not explain these figures here, but I hope to do so elsewhere.
- 5.
On Russian attendance of the early ICMs, see Demidov and Tokareva (2005, pp. 144–145).
- 6.
- 7.
For a list of late-19th- and early-20th-century scientific conferences, see Baskerville (1910).
- 8.
- 9.
Baskerville (1910) lists over 150 international congresses in the sciences, humanities and arts, but only two that took place in Russia.
- 10.
Indeed, Russian delegates regularly attended the early International Archaeological Congresses; Marton (2009).
- 11.
- 12.
- 13.
- 14.
The references given in note 8 on p. 10 are again relevant here.
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
- 18.
For a quite critical history of this society, see Nemzer (1949, pp. 275–279).
- 19.
- 20.
- 21.
- 22.
- 23.
- 24.
- 25.
See also Tokareva (2001, pp. 219–222).
- 26.
- 27.
- 28.
For further details on this and other such survey volumes published in the USSR, see the references in note 37 on p. 68, and also Hollings (2015).
- 29.
In connection with Luzin, see Graham and Kantor (2009, pp. 149–150), Kutateladze (2007), and Lorentz (2001). For another example of an ‘ideological’ attack which appears to have involved personal rivalries (namely, that on A.F. Ioffe in 1936), see Levin (1990, p. 97–8). The ambitions of younger researchers may also have played a role in the downfall of the geneticist N.I. Vavilov (Kolchinsky 2014). See also the case of the astronomer Boris Gerasimovich: (1936).
- 30.
I take Aleksandrov as an example of a figure who was regarded as ‘politically sound’, and Bernstein as an individual who was more often at odds with the Soviet regime (see, for example, Vucinich 2000).
- 31.
- 32.
A Pravda article of 9th July 1936 (quoted by Lorentz 2001, p. 205) condemned Luzin’s foreign publications as “sabotage”, but counted those of Aleksandrov (amongst others) as mere lapses in judgement. Thus, we see that the issue of foreign publication was merely pretext in the ‘Luzin affair’.
- 33.
(Anon 1931).
- 34.
(Anon 1931).
- 35.
It is interesting to contrast this situation with that of several decades later: after the fall of the Soviet Union, Russian scientists came increasingly to the realisation that their work had a poor visibility at the international level. Their conclusion was that they ought therefore to return to the old tradition and begin once more to publish much of their work abroad (and, moreover, in English): see Kirchik et al. (2012).
- 36.
See also the report of that (American) delegate: (1934).
- 37.
- 38.
- 39.
Doel et al. (2005, p. 59). See this source also for other examples of international congresses held in the USSR during the 1930s.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
- 43.
Indeed, prior to this, there had been greater cultural ties between the USSR and Nazi Germany, during the years of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact; David-Fox (2012, p. 310–311).
- 44.
I am confining my attention here to ‘civilian science’—the type of science found in freely published papers, and also the type that we have been concerned with implicitly from the start of this book. The exchange of military technology and of secret materials is not something that I attempt to cover here—see instead, for example, Beardsley (1977) and Avery (1993).
- 45.
- 46.
- 47.
- 48.
- 49.
- 50.
- 51.
- 52.
- 53.
- 54.
- 55.
- 56.
- 57.
- 58.
- 59.
See Lear (1997, pp. 274–276), Sigerist (1948) or Anon (1948). Interestingly, however, other similar journals were being launched elsewhere around this time: the Spanish-language Revista cubana de medicina sovietica, for example, was founded in 1945, whilst the French Cahiers de médicine soviétique ran from 1953 to 1957; see Kerber (2012, pp. 233–234). The French journal can perhaps be seen as a successor to an earlier Soviet-French medical copublication: see Ivanovskaya (1976, pp. 201–202).
- 60.
- 61.
- 62.
- 63.
- 64.
The closest I have come is a state-by-state directory of the Russian culture and language courses offered by US higher educational institutions: Coleman (1948). See also Strakhovsky (1947). Much more generally, a US State Department report of 1950, Science and Foreign Relations, stressed that awareness of foreign scientific developments was crucial to the progress of US science; see Krige (2006, p. 166).
- 65.
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublication?journalCode=russianreview (last accessed 26th May 2015).
- 66.
- 67.
In the case of mathematics, for example, see Vucinich (2002).
- 68.
Indeed, this matter is the main theme of Gerovitch (2002).
- 69.
See Schweitzer (2004, Chap. 1); the text of the formal agreement is reproduced in Schweitzer’s Appendix B.
- 70.
- 71.
- 72.
- 73.
- 74.
Quoted in Richmond (2003, p. 18).
- 75.
See Schweitzer (2004, p. 8). Indeed, such behaviour was nothing new: German scientists had attempted to exert some influence over the trials of suspected German terrorists in the USSR by threatening to boycott the 1925 conference to celebrate the 200th anniversary of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Forman (1973, p. 168). In the later US-Soviet context, the treatment of both dissidents and refusenik scientists became a major reason for postponing exchanges; see, for example, Rich (1979), Anon (1980), and Lubrano (1981).
- 76.
- 77.
- 78.
See Smith (2012, p. 550); see also the references in note 24 on p. 14.
- 79.
- 80.
- 81.
- 82.
- 83.
- 84.
- 85.
- 86.
- 87.
See, for example, Kline (1952, p. 83); see also the comments in Siegmund-Schultze (2014, p. 1245). Contrast this with a situation sometimes encountered in the post-Soviet world: Eastern European speakers who are fluent in Russian nevertheless insisting upon delivering their conference talks in broken English (Kryuchkova 2001, p. 413).
- 88.
- 89.
- 90.
For an example from metallurgy, for instance, see Cahn (1970); for one concerning nuclear desalination, see Anon (1968b). On geophysics, see Hamblin (2000b, p. 304). For mathematical examples, see Lehto (1998, pp. 174, 189, 206). For a typical example of the general remarks that were made on this subject, see Holliday (1973). See also Krementsov (2005, pp. 70–71). A further (particularly entertaining) source in this connection is the letter Ziman (1968), on which see Hollings (2014, pp. 24–25).
- 91.
See, for example, Lehto (1998, Sect. 9.3).
- 92.
- 93.
- 94.
- 95.
- 96.
- 97.
- 98.
Such contradictory behaviour on the part of the Soviet authorities was subsequently seized upon by the dissident movement, which called simply for the USSR to obey its own laws. As Gessen (2011 ) has commented, the dissidents “demanded logic and consistency” (p. 7), so “it is perhaps no accident that the founders of the dissident movement in the Soviet Union were mathematicians and physicists” (p. 178). In this connection, see also Rich (1976).
- 99.
- 100.
See, for example, Anon (1963b). It was observed, however, that there was not necessarily any need to travel extensively within the USSR, since most of the scientific facilities were concentrated in Moscow and Leningrad.
- 101.
- 102.
See, for example, Schweitzer (1989, Chap. 7). Indeed, these concerns may not have been entirely unfounded: see the brief comment on p. 29.
- 103.
See, for example, the comment that officials at the US State Department “often regarded the efforts of scientists to maintain international contacts as synonymous with communist sympathies” in Doel and Needell (1997, p. 69); see also Doel et al. (2005, p. 67). For such suspicions within the context of the Manhattan Project, Schrecker (1986, p. 133ff). Moving away from the United States, we have the obscurely-referenced “retrospectively amusing difficulties with the authorities” apparently experienced by the British mathematician G.B. Preston in his efforts to establish contacts with Eastern-bloc colleagues (Howie 1995, p. 269). Niels Bohr was at one point considered a security risk because of his contacts with Soviet physicists (Nielsen and Knudsen 2013, p. 322); see also Aaserud (1999, pp. 32–33) and Knudsen and Nielsen (2012).
- 104.
- 105.
Examples are provided by the FBI surveillance of certain scientists with Soviet or communist-bloc contacts: see Krementsov (2002, p. 109) and Kerber (2012, p. 234). These included US-based German rocket scientists with connections in the newly-created East Germany (Cadbury 2005, pp. 132–133). Even if the US authorities rarely acted against academics with foreign contacts, this did not stop some scientists fearing the backlash that communications even with other Western nations might bring: for example, Ellsworth Dougherty, biophysicist with interests in atomic science, refused to share work with a British colleague in order to avoid any appearance of creating a security breach; see Manzione (2000, p. 40).
- 106.
- 107.
Paul Dirac was another prominent scientist who was denied a visa to visit the USA, probably because of his several pre-war visits to the USSR; see Dalitz and Peierls (1986, p. 158).
- 108.
- 109.
See the various instances cited by Schrecker (1986, pp. 145, 147, 168, 197, 278, 296–297).
- 110.
See also the similar comments in Gordin et al. (2003, pp. 50–53).
- 111.
See the various sources cited in the first paragraph of Chap.1, which deal also with the new exchange programmes that continued to be negotiated right up until the end of the Soviet era; on these, see also Korneyev (1977, pp. 320–326). On post-Soviet US-Russian scientific exchanges, see Schweitzer (1997).
- 112.
- 113.
- 114.
See Byrnes (1976, pp. 192–198). Indeed, even from the early years of the USSR, had aided the Soviet secret police in keeping track of foreign visitors; see David-Fox (2012, pp. 58–59). Conversely, Soviet visitors to the USA had sometimes been kept under surveillance by the FBI; see Richmond (2003, p. 28).
- 115.
- 116.
See the references in note 75 on p. 30.
- 117.
- 118.
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Hollings, C.D. (2016). Personal Communications. In: Scientific Communication Across the Iron Curtain. SpringerBriefs in History of Science and Technology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-25346-6_2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-25346-6_2
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