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Scientific Communication Across the Iron Curtain

Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs in History of Science and Technology ((BRIEFSHIST))

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Abstract

In this chapter, we provide a general discussion of communications between scientists in East and West from the 1920s, up to around the 1980s, with the focus being upon personal contacts between scientists: correspondence and face-to-face meetings. We will see that the initially quite easy contacts of the 1920s became rather more difficult under Stalin, before picking up again slightly during the Second World War, and then more dramatically following Stalin’s death.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For a general overview of this growth in international scientific activities, see Rosenzweig (2000, Chap. 2); see also Crawford (1992, pp. 38–43).

  2. 2.

    For succinct overviews of Russian science in this period, see Krementsov (1997, 2006); for a comprehensive account, see Vucinich (1970).

  3. 3.

    On Mendeleev, see Hargittai et al. (2007); on Pavlov, see Graham (1993, p. 239). For comments on Mendeleev’s foreign contacts, and for a discussion of the status of 19th-century Russian chemistry, see Gordin (2015, Chaps. 2 and 3).

  4. 4.

    Levels of Russian/Soviet attendance at the ICMs, as recorded in Table 2.1, will be used for illustrative purposes throughout this chapter. I have compiled these figures by using the various congress proceedings and other sources, and some of the numbers given differ from those that appear in previous books and articles on the ICMs. In the interests of saving space, I do not explain these figures here, but I hope to do so elsewhere.

  5. 5.

    On Russian attendance of the early ICMs, see Demidov and Tokareva (2005, pp. 144–145).

  6. 6.

    On this congress, see also Milt (1951) and Ihde (1961).

  7. 7.

    For a list of late-19th- and early-20th-century scientific conferences, see Baskerville (1910).

  8. 8.

    To take some arbitrary examples: the American physiologist Francis Gano Benedict (see Neswald 2011, 2013), and a number of Spanish physicists (Sánchez-Ron 2002).

  9. 9.

    Baskerville (1910) lists over 150 international congresses in the sciences, humanities and arts, but only two that took place in Russia.

  10. 10.

    Indeed, Russian delegates regularly attended the early International Archaeological Congresses; Marton (2009).

  11. 11.

    See Greenaway (1996, p. 18) or Schroeder-Gudehus (1973, p. 115).

  12. 12.

    See Solomon and Krementsov (2001, pp. 276–277, 287), Forman (1973, pp. 167–168) and Schroeder-Gudehus (1973, p. 115). On the scientific ostracism of Germany (and the other Central Powers) more generally, see Cock (1983) or Crawford (1988).

  13. 13.

    See Solomon and Krementsov (2001), Kojevnikov (1993) or Kojevnikov (2004, Sect. 4.2). For more on the Rockefeller Foundation’s sponsorship of European scientists during this period (with a particular focus on mathematicians), see Siegmund-Schultze (2001).

  14. 14.

    The references given in note 8 on p. 10 are again relevant here.

  15. 15.

    See Solomon and Krementsov (2001, p. 287), David-Fox (2012, Chap. 1) or, for an older source, Kameneva (1928).

  16. 16.

    Solomon and Krementsov (2001, p. 287); on the bulletin, see also David-Fox (2012, p. 90).

  17. 17.

    On Soviet-French ties, see also Ivanovskaya (1976), Plaud (1980) and Fedorov (1984).

  18. 18.

    For a quite critical history of this society, see Nemzer (1949, pp. 275–279).

  19. 19.

    See Lygo (2013), and also King (1967) and Todd (1967).

  20. 20.

    See Lear (1997, p. 262) or Lygo (2013, p. 584); on the American-Soviet Science Society (established in 1944), see Krementsov (1996, p. 240).

  21. 21.

    Including German delegates, at a time when German scientists were largely excluded from international meetings; see Forman (1973, p. 168). Indeed, the Germans formed the largest foreign contingent (Sorokina 2006, p. 64); for a list of countries who sent delegates, see Sorokina (2006, p. 85).

  22. 22.

    Korneyev’s initials are given as S.C. on the title page of Korneyev (1977), but as S.G. in the article Korneyev and Timofeyev (1977). One of these sets of initials is certainly wrong, but I do not know which.

  23. 23.

    Korneyev and Timofeyev (1977, p. 10). Similar comments in the Soviet/American context can be found in Furaev (1974). Such accusations continued to be made even until the final years of the Soviet era; see Sapsai (1984) and Medvedev (1984).

  24. 24.

    With regard to British-Soviet scientific relations, many more examples of exchanges may be found in Korneyev and Timofeyev (1977). Other (slightly uncritical) reviews of British-Soviet relations may be found in Topchiev (1956) and Romanovsky (1967).

  25. 25.

    See also Tokareva (2001, pp. 219–222).

  26. 26.

    On Marxist philosophy of science, see Graham (1972), Graham (1993, Chap. 5) and Todes and Krementsov (2010); see also the summary in Gordin et al. (2003, pp. 39–43). In the case of mathematics, see Vucinich (1999, 2000, 2002) or Hollings (2013).

  27. 27.

    There is an enormous literature on the ‘Luzin affair’. See, for example, Demidov and Esakov (1999), Demidov and Levshin (1999), Kutateladze (2007, 2012, 2013), Levin (1990), Lorentz (2001, 2002), and Yushkevich (1989).

  28. 28.

    For further details on this and other such survey volumes published in the USSR, see the references in note 37 on p. 68, and also Hollings (2015).

  29. 29.

    In connection with Luzin, see Graham and Kantor (2009, pp. 149–150), Kutateladze (2007), and Lorentz (2001). For another example of an ‘ideological’ attack which appears to have involved personal rivalries (namely, that on A.F. Ioffe in 1936), see Levin (1990, p. 97–8). The ambitions of younger researchers may also have played a role in the downfall of the geneticist N.I. Vavilov (Kolchinsky 2014). See also the case of the astronomer Boris Gerasimovich: (1936).

  30. 30.

    I take Aleksandrov as an example of a figure who was regarded as ‘politically sound’, and Bernstein as an individual who was more often at odds with the Soviet regime (see, for example, Vucinich 2000).

  31. 31.

    Further data of this type, for some other Soviet mathematicians, may be found in Table 2.1 in Hollings (2014, p. 18), from which Figs. 2.1, 2.2 and 2.3 were also constructed. A similar, though slightly narrower, analysis appears in Levin (1990, p. 96).

  32. 32.

    A Pravda article of 9th July 1936 (quoted by Lorentz 2001, p. 205) condemned Luzin’s foreign publications as “sabotage”, but counted those of Aleksandrov (amongst others) as mere lapses in judgement. Thus, we see that the issue of foreign publication was merely pretext in the ‘Luzin affair’.

  33. 33.

    (Anon 1931).

  34. 34.

    (Anon 1931).

  35. 35.

    It is interesting to contrast this situation with that of several decades later: after the fall of the Soviet Union, Russian scientists came increasingly to the realisation that their work had a poor visibility at the international level. Their conclusion was that they ought therefore to return to the old tradition and begin once more to publish much of their work abroad (and, moreover, in English): see Kirchik et al. (2012).

  36. 36.

    See also the report of that (American) delegate: (1934).

  37. 37.

    See Huxley (1932); see also Kuznick (1987, p. 118).

  38. 38.

    See Kuznick (1987, pp. 119–125), and also Carlson (1981, 2011).

  39. 39.

    Doel et al. (2005, p. 59). See this source also for other examples of international congresses held in the USSR during the 1930s.

  40. 40.

    See Krementsov (2005, p. 8), and also Gordon (1937) and Case et al. (1938).

  41. 41.

    See Franklin (1938, pp. 314–320) and Kuznick (1987, pp.153–162); see also Anon (1935b) and Ivy (1935).

  42. 42.

    For reports of the congress from both sides of the East/West divide, see Aleksandrov (1936) and Tucker (1935).

  43. 43.

    Indeed, prior to this, there had been greater cultural ties between the USSR and Nazi Germany, during the years of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact; David-Fox (2012, p. 310–311).

  44. 44.

    I am confining my attention here to ‘civilian science’—the type of science found in freely published papers, and also the type that we have been concerned with implicitly from the start of this book. The exchange of military technology and of secret materials is not something that I attempt to cover here—see instead, for example, Beardsley (1977) and Avery (1993).

  45. 45.

    There is a wide range of letters to cite in this instance: see, for example, Anon (1941c, 1942d, 1943c); see also Korneyev and Timofeyev (1977, p. 34).

  46. 46.

    See Anon (1942a, e, g).

  47. 47.

    See Anon (1942h), and also Anon (1942b, c).

  48. 48.

    See, for example, Needham and Davies (1942) or Anon (1944).

  49. 49.

    See, for example, Bernal (1944) and de Andrada (1944).

  50. 50.

    See Johnston (2011, pp. 86–87) or Pechatnov (1998).

  51. 51.

    See, for example, Anon (1941d, f, h, i), and Frumkin (1941).

  52. 52.

    See, for example, Anon (1941e, 1945e), Rostov (1945), and Zhukovsky (1945).

  53. 53.

    See Carling (1944) or Lear (1997, pp. 259–260).

  54. 54.

    See Anon (1941g, j, 1942i), Dawson et al. (1941a, b), and Bunbury (1942).

  55. 55.

    See, for example, Watson-Jones (1943a, b) and Hastings and Shimkin (1946). On UK-USSR medical exchanges in later decades, see Rich (1975).

  56. 56.

    See Lear (1997) or Krementsov (2007, pp. 44–48).

  57. 57.

    See Lear (1997, pp. 267–270) or Kerber (2012).

  58. 58.

    See, for example, Oakes (1946) and Bu (1999).

  59. 59.

    See Lear (1997, pp. 274–276), Sigerist (1948) or Anon (1948). Interestingly, however, other similar journals were being launched elsewhere around this time: the Spanish-language Revista cubana de medicina sovietica, for example, was founded in 1945, whilst the French Cahiers de médicine soviétique ran from 1953 to 1957; see Kerber (2012, pp. 233–234). The French journal can perhaps be seen as a successor to an earlier Soviet-French medical copublication: see Ivanovskaya (1976, pp. 201–202).

  60. 60.

    See Krementsov (1996, p. 237), Krementsov (2002, pp. 75–78) or Anon (1945a, d, b); see also Korneyev and Timofeyev (1977, pp. 38–39). Soviet War News had much to say about this conference, its international character in particular; see, for example, Anon (1945f, g, h, i).

  61. 61.

    See Dale (1946, p. 157); see also Korneyev and Timofeyev (1977, p. 40).

  62. 62.

    See Krementsov (2005, p. 142). Zhebrak’s publication of an article in Science (Zhebrak 1945) was, for example, held against him. See also the comments of Medvedev (1979, p. 119), not only on Zhebrak, but also on Roskin and Klyueva.

  63. 63.

    See Gerovitch (2002, pp. 34–35) and Hollings (2012).

  64. 64.

    The closest I have come is a state-by-state directory of the Russian culture and language courses offered by US higher educational institutions: Coleman (1948). See also Strakhovsky (1947). Much more generally, a US State Department report of 1950, Science and Foreign Relations, stressed that awareness of foreign scientific developments was crucial to the progress of US science; see Krige (2006, p. 166).

  65. 65.

    http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublication?journalCode=russianreview (last accessed 26th May 2015).

  66. 66.

    On the international standing of Soviet mathematics, see Graham (1993, pp. 213–220) or Dalmedico (1997).

  67. 67.

    In the case of mathematics, for example, see Vucinich (2002).

  68. 68.

    Indeed, this matter is the main theme of Gerovitch (2002).

  69. 69.

    See Schweitzer (2004, Chap. 1); the text of the formal agreement is reproduced in Schweitzer’s Appendix B.

  70. 70.

    See, for example, Anon (1963a, 1972a).

  71. 71.

    On US-USSR cooperation in medicine, see Raymond (1973); on UK-USSR cooperation, see Rich (1974).

  72. 72.

    See Schweitzer (2004, p. 7) or Medvedev (1971, pp. 155–161).

  73. 73.

    Hamblin (2000a, p. 393). On this subject, see also Wolfe (2013). For similar attitudes in a different context, see Wang (1999). On the use of science in US foreign policy more generally, see Miller (2006).

  74. 74.

    Quoted in Richmond (2003, p. 18).

  75. 75.

    See Schweitzer (2004, p. 8). Indeed, such behaviour was nothing new: German scientists had attempted to exert some influence over the trials of suspected German terrorists in the USSR by threatening to boycott the 1925 conference to celebrate the 200th anniversary of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Forman (1973, p. 168). In the later US-Soviet context, the treatment of both dissidents and refusenik scientists became a major reason for postponing exchanges; see, for example, Rich (1979), Anon (1980), and Lubrano (1981).

  76. 76.

    See Greenberg (1962) and Harvey and Ciccoritti (1974). On cooperation in later decades, see Edelson and Townsend (1989).

  77. 77.

    See Byrnes (1976, p. 64), Richmond (2003, p. 15) or Nygren (1980).

  78. 78.

    See Smith (2012, p. 550); see also the references in note 24 on p. 14.

  79. 79.

    See, for example, Zavyalskii (1973), Kirillov (1977), Semenov (1979), and Isaev (1979).

  80. 80.

    See, for example, Novikov (1973) and Aver’yanov and Korotkevich (1978).

  81. 81.

    See Krige (2006, pp. 174–180) or Schroeder-Gudehus (2012, pp. 31–32).

  82. 82.

    See Struve (1953) or Blaauw (1994, p. 113).

  83. 83.

    See Blaauw (1994, Sect. 8.d) or Doel et al. (2005, p. 67).

  84. 84.

    See Krementsov (2002, p. 204) or Anon (1962b).

  85. 85.

    See, respectively: Hodgson (1955), Waddington (1956), Nonweiler (1956), Seligman and Russell (1957), Deacon (1959), and Houssay (1968).

  86. 86.

    See, respectively: Dyer (1962), Anon (1964), and Kato (1968).

  87. 87.

    See, for example, Kline (1952, p. 83); see also the comments in Siegmund-Schultze (2014, p. 1245). Contrast this with a situation sometimes encountered in the post-Soviet world: Eastern European speakers who are fluent in Russian nevertheless insisting upon delivering their conference talks in broken English (Kryuchkova 2001, p. 413).

  88. 88.

    Extracts from the first essay also appeared in Medvedev (1970). Medvedev’s more general critique of Soviet science (Medvedev 1979) contains further details of the communications difficulties of scientists across the Iron Curtain.

  89. 89.

    See Medvedev (1971, pp. 13, 195–208) or Hollings (2014, p. 23). This application procedure is also described in Levich (1976).

  90. 90.

    For an example from metallurgy, for instance, see Cahn (1970); for one concerning nuclear desalination, see Anon (1968b). On geophysics, see Hamblin (2000b, p. 304). For mathematical examples, see Lehto (1998, pp. 174, 189, 206). For a typical example of the general remarks that were made on this subject, see Holliday (1973). See also Krementsov (2005, pp. 70–71). A further (particularly entertaining) source in this connection is the letter Ziman (1968), on which see Hollings (2014, pp. 24–25).

  91. 91.

    See, for example, Lehto (1998, Sect. 9.3).

  92. 92.

    See, for example, Abelson (1971, p. 797). In his discussion of the International Conference on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Geneva, 1955), Josephson (2000, p. 174) notes the presence of “the usual KGB staffers”. See also the comments in Krementsov (2007, p. 61).

  93. 93.

    See Medvedev (1971, pp. 189–190); see also Anon (1972b).

  94. 94.

    See, respectively: Smith (1960), Brilla and Balaš (1966), Wooster (1964), Medvedev (1971, pp. 74–80), Fiedler (1964), and Hollings (2014, Sect. 12.3).

  95. 95.

    See, for example, the remarks in Anon (1968a); see also Hamblin (2000b, p. 308).

  96. 96.

    Medvedev (1971, p. 54). On such excuses, see also Byrnes (1976, pp. 179–180).

  97. 97.

    Graves et al. (1952, vol. 1, p. 122); see also Lehto (1998, p. 89) and Kline (1952, p. 84).

  98. 98.

    Such contradictory behaviour on the part of the Soviet authorities was subsequently seized upon by the dissident movement, which called simply for the USSR to obey its own laws. As Gessen (2011 ) has commented, the dissidents “demanded logic and consistency” (p. 7), so “it is perhaps no accident that the founders of the dissident movement in the Soviet Union were mathematicians and physicists” (p. 178). In this connection, see also Rich (1976).

  99. 99.

    See, respectively: Anon (1969), Anon (1966a, b), Ingram and Roberts (1967), Charlier and Dietz (1966), Malkov (1967), Kamminga (1989, p. 599), and Rosenzweig (2000, Chap. 9).

  100. 100.

    See, for example, Anon (1963b). It was observed, however, that there was not necessarily any need to travel extensively within the USSR, since most of the scientific facilities were concentrated in Moscow and Leningrad.

  101. 101.

    See Byrnes (1976, pp. 122–123) and DuS (1961a, b, 1962).

  102. 102.

    See, for example, Schweitzer (1989, Chap. 7). Indeed, these concerns may not have been entirely unfounded: see the brief comment on p. 29.

  103. 103.

    See, for example, the comment that officials at the US State Department “often regarded the efforts of scientists to maintain international contacts as synonymous with communist sympathies” in Doel and Needell (1997, p. 69); see also Doel et al. (2005, p. 67). For such suspicions within the context of the Manhattan Project, Schrecker (1986, p. 133ff). Moving away from the United States, we have the obscurely-referenced “retrospectively amusing difficulties with the authorities” apparently experienced by the British mathematician G.B. Preston in his efforts to establish contacts with Eastern-bloc colleagues (Howie 1995, p. 269). Niels Bohr was at one point considered a security risk because of his contacts with Soviet physicists (Nielsen and Knudsen 2013, p. 322); see also Aaserud (1999, pp. 32–33) and Knudsen and Nielsen (2012).

  104. 104.

    One shudders to contemplate, for example, the impression created by the failure to appear before the House Un-American Activities Committee of the US mathematician Stephen Smale by reason of his attendance of the 1966 Moscow ICM; see Greenberg (1966) and Smale (1984).

  105. 105.

    Examples are provided by the FBI surveillance of certain scientists with Soviet or communist-bloc contacts: see Krementsov (2002, p. 109) and Kerber (2012, p. 234). These included US-based German rocket scientists with connections in the newly-created East Germany (Cadbury 2005, pp. 132–133). Even if the US authorities rarely acted against academics with foreign contacts, this did not stop some scientists fearing the backlash that communications even with other Western nations might bring: for example, Ellsworth Dougherty, biophysicist with interests in atomic science, refused to share work with a British colleague in order to avoid any appearance of creating a security breach; see Manzione (2000, p. 40).

  106. 106.

    Roberts (2013, p. 251); see also Heymann and Martin-Nielsen (2013, p. 232).

  107. 107.

    Paul Dirac was another prominent scientist who was denied a visa to visit the USA, probably because of his several pre-war visits to the USSR; see Dalitz and Peierls (1986, p. 158).

  108. 108.

    See, for example, Manzione (2000, p. 40). On the USA’s visa restrictions, see Bok (1955), and also the articles in vol. 8, no. 7 (October 1952) of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

  109. 109.

    See the various instances cited by Schrecker (1986, pp. 145, 147, 168, 197, 278, 296–297).

  110. 110.

    See also the similar comments in Gordin et al. (2003, pp. 50–53).

  111. 111.

    See the various sources cited in the first paragraph of Chap.1, which deal also with the new exchange programmes that continued to be negotiated right up until the end of the Soviet era; on these, see also Korneyev (1977, pp. 320–326). On post-Soviet US-Russian scientific exchanges, see Schweitzer (1997).

  112. 112.

    See, for example, Medvedev (1979, pp. 152–153) or Reid (1977).

  113. 113.

    See Nathanson (1986). As we see from Table 2.1, the congress was attended by a further 38 Soviet delegates who had not been specifically invited.

  114. 114.

    See Byrnes (1976, pp. 192–198). Indeed, even from the early years of the USSR, had aided the Soviet secret police in keeping track of foreign visitors; see David-Fox (2012, pp. 58–59). Conversely, Soviet visitors to the USA had sometimes been kept under surveillance by the FBI; see Richmond (2003, p. 28).

  115. 115.

    See Byrnes (1976, p. 115); for reports (mostly) of a more positive nature, see Kuznick (1987, pp. 112–143).

  116. 116.

    See the references in note 75 on p. 30.

  117. 117.

    See, for example, Lubrano (1981), Katz et al. (1980, p. 6), and Anon (1984).

  118. 118.

    For instance, Kassof (1995), Graham (1998, Chap. 2), and Richmond (2003, Chaps. 4 and 5).

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Hollings, C.D. (2016). Personal Communications. In: Scientific Communication Across the Iron Curtain. SpringerBriefs in History of Science and Technology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-25346-6_2

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