Abstract
This chapter provides an account of science and technology education for American Indians. It begins with a section on the history of higher education for American Indians and is followed by a section on American Indian higher education today. Both of these sections include material about the tribal colleges and universities. The chapter closes with sections on science and technology education for American Indians, and on computing at the tribal colleges.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
The tribal colleges often play more than a higher educational role on the reservations. For example, the libraries and computer labs are often open to all members of the reservation, and the tribal colleges serve as a locus for community activities such as business incubators and events to promote good health to the entire population.
- 3.
In 1994, Congress passed a law making the tribal colleges and universities land-grant colleges, similar to the Morrill Acts of 1859 and 1890, which created the land-grant colleges in many states. Under the 1994 act, some of the tribal colleges (e.g. Salish Kootenai and Turtle Mountain) received funding for their initiatives in e-learning through the Tribal Colleges Equity Education Grants Program administered by the US Department of Agriculture. In 1996, President Clinton signed an executive order for federal agencies to do more to support the tribal colleges and universities.
- 4.
There is a sizable body of literature on the history of American Indians and higher education. For general purposes, this section pulled material from Monette (1995), Pavel et al. (1998), Machamer (2000), Martin (2005), and McClellan, Fox, and Lowe (2005). On the history of tribal colleges and the politics of establishing them, see Olivas (1981), Stein (1988), Pease-Windy Boy (1994), Young (1998), and Pease-Pretty on Top (2003). Some examples from the large literature on the history of K-12 education for American Indians, see Adams (1971), Szasz (1977), and Belgarde (2004). Also see Fischbacher (1967), Adams (1971), Boyer (1989), DeJong (1993), Carney (1999), Hale (2002), Reyhner and Eder (2004), and Klug (2012).
Native American Studies programs were established at Cornell, Dartmouth, Michigan, Stanford, and other universities. These programs sometimes had significant value in enabling American Indian students to persist in principally White institutions. On the history of Native American studies programs, see Cook-Lynn (1997), Nelson (1997), Champagne and Strauss (2002), Krupat (2002), and Kidwell (2005).
- 5.
The College of William and Mary argues that it is, in fact, the college that was supposed to be built at Henrico.
- 6.
The low graduation rate was apparently caused in part by death to European diseases, loneliness, and cultural issues. To add further indignity, one of the two graduates died in a shipwreck on the return to campus for the graduation ceremony.
- 7.
The school went through a number of name changes: Indian Normal School of Robeson County (1911), Cherokee Indian Normal School of Robeson County (1911), Pembroke State College for Indians (1941), Pembroke State College (1949, which began admitting White students in 1953), and Pembroke State University (1969); and then it was made a part of the University of North Carolina university system in 1972. It may be the only Historically Indian college that is now minority American Indian.
- 8.
It was not, however, the last federal report on American Indian education. Another report with similarly critical things to say as the Merriam Report was the Kennedy Report of 1969, Indian Education: A National Tragedy – A National Challenge (U.S. Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare 1969). For a discussion of the Merriam and Kennedy reports, see DeJong (1993).
- 9.
College scholarships for American-Indian students became available in 1948 through a Bureau of Indian Affairs scholarship program. The Bureau of Indian Affairs had taken over federal responsibility for higher education of American Indians in 1921 with the passage of the Snyder Act.
- 10.
One might have thought that the civil rights movement of the 1960s would be highly supportive of American Indian needs, including educational needs. However, civil rights legislation was driven principally by the demands of the African American community; and the legislative goal of integration of Whites and Blacks ran counter to the desire of the American Indians to create segregated educational institutions. For a comparison of American Indian and African American education, see Carney (1999, Chapter 5).
- 11.
Efforts to achieve regional accreditation at the tribal colleges began in earnest in the 1970s, with efforts to accredit Navajo Community College, Oglala Sioux Community College, Sinte Gleska College, Turtle Mountain Community College, D-Q University , and Standing Rock Community College. In 1976, Navajo Community College was the first tribal college to receive accreditation to offer associate degrees. In 1983 Oglala Lakota College and Sinte Gleska College were the first two tribal colleges accredited to offer bachelor degrees. In 1989 Sinte Gleska was the first tribal college accredited to offer masters degrees. Today, most of the tribal colleges are accredited as institutions to offer 2-year degrees and many are also accredited for 4-year degrees. These early relationships between the tribal colleges and mainstream colleges and universities have developed over time to include many other types of programs such as articulated agreements for transfer from the tribal college to complete a baccalaureate, distance learning programs, and access for tribal college students to certain kinds of science and technology facilities and faculty that are typically stronger at the mainstream college or university.
- 12.
There was a slew of federal legislation concerning American Indian education in the 1970s. In 1972 Congress passed the Indian Education Act, which recognized Indian culture and provided grants to support its incorporation into the curriculum; this Act also provided support for Indian teacher training and Indian adult education. In 1975 Congress passed the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act, which (in order to enhance self-governance over educational matters) authorized the federal government to contract with tribes and Indian organizations for the tribal operation of programs. The most important of these laws was the Tribally Controlled Community College Act (1978), which provided legal recognition to and funding for the operation and improvement of the tribal colleges.
Three schools received funding directly from the Bureau of Indian Affairs through the Snyder Act of 1923 : Haskell Indian Junior College, the American Indian Art Institute, and Southwest Indian Polytechnic Institute.
Generally speaking, the state governments did not provide support for the tribal colleges.
- 13.
There are sizable social science and policy literatures on American Indians and higher education. Fuchs and Havinghurst (1972), and Larimore and McClellan (2005) provide general overview material. Pavel et al. (1998); Institute for Higher Education Policy (2000, 2007); DeVoe and Darling-Churchill (2008), and AIHEC (2009) provide general statistical information on the topic. More specialized studies include ones on persistence [Jackson et al. (2003); Mosholder and Goslin (2013–2014)], cultural issues [Kirkness and Barnhardt (1991), Frey and Pewewardy (2004), Lundberg (2007), and Tippeconnic and Tippeconic Fox (2012)], and policy [NAS (2011)].
- 14.
This paragraph, like those of so many other researchers, dwells on the challenges for American Indian students. It should not be forgotten that there are many excellent American Indian students. The National Native American Honor Society, created in 1981 by Frank Dukepoo , challenges American Indian students to achieve academic excellence and gives recognition to those – from fourth grade through graduate school – who do. ( Dukepoo 2001)
- 15.
For more detailed statistical information, see DeVoe and Darling-Churchill (2008).
- 16.
For information on male American Indian college students, see Stuart (2012).
- 17.
While there is a vast literature on students who attend tribal colleges, the social science literature on American Indian students attending predominantly White institutions is thin. One example (Makomenaw 2012) discusses the experiences of American Indian students who transfer from tribal colleges to complete their undergraduate degree at predominantly White institutions. These students, Makomenaw found, sought out meaningful interactions with other American Indian students, faculty, and staff but were indifferent to their interactions with other populations on campus. Academic advising and financial aid were the university services most often mentioned as important to these transfer students, but their experiences with these services were less than uniformly positive. The students experienced ignorance or stereotypes both in the classroom and elsewhere on campus, and this contributed to a feeling of alienation. Also see the personal stories of American Indian students at predominantly White institutions as told in Huffman (2008).
- 18.
Here are some other examples of cultural issues related to the higher education of American Indians: in a national study (n = 643) of American Indian students (Lundberg 2007), the students reported higher levels of learning when the school had a strong commitment to diversity; through a qualitative study of the Commanche tribe, Tippeconnic and Tippeconnic Fox (2012) analyzed how tribal values shape teaching, learning, research, and educational governance; Pewewardy and Frey (2004) have shown the problems (what they call “ethnic fraud”) that arise when colleges allow students to self-declare as American Indians according to their own definitions; and Boyer (2008) discusses the cultural issues that arise when an intertribal college attempts to support various individual tribal cultures. Guardia and Evans (2008) lists core values of American Indians: sharing, cooperation, noninterference with others, present-time orientation, being versus doing, extended family orientation, respect, harmony and balance between humans and their environment, spiritual causes for illness and problems, decision-making by consensus, and importance of the tribe.
- 19.
For general overview material on tribal colleges and universities, see Oppelt (1990), Boyer (1997a, b), Machamer (2000), AIHEC, the Insitute for Education Policy, and Sally Mae (2000); Benham and Stein (2003), Campbell (2003), Institute for Higher Education Policy (2006), Reyhner (2006), and Abelman (2011). For general statistical information, see AIHEC (2008). For an extended case study of one (government-controlled) school for American Indians ( Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute), see Khachadoorian (2010); for a case study of a church-related Indian school (Bacone College ), see Neuman (2013). Various studies address specific topics related to tribal colleges and universities: accreditation (Putnam 2000); student persistence (Kicking Woman 2011) and attainment (Reese 2011; Wright and Weasel Head 1990), American Indian male students (Stuart 2012), transition from secondary to postsecondary education (Brown 2003; Gonzalez 2012), Intertribal colleges (Boyer 2008), tribal colleges and universities and their relations to private foundations (Boyer 2000), local economic development ( American Indian Higher Education Consortium and The Institute for Higher Education Policy 2000), and policy (Olivas 1981).
- 20.
For example, in one study (Institute for Higher Education Policy 2006) 86 % of students were satisfied with the course in their major field of study; 83 % were satisfied with their contact with faculty and administrators; 82 % were satisfied with the overall quality of instruction; and 78 % were satisfied with the curricula on tribal culture. Another study of Montana’s seven tribal colleges offered consistent findings. (Wright and Weasel Head 1990). Although focused more on persistence, a different, independent study of Montana’s seven tribal colleges (Kicking Woman 2011) found similar results concerning student satisfaction.
- 21.
The severe infrastructural problems faced by tribal colleges and universities, and possible policy remedies, are discussed in The Institute for Higher Education Policy (2000).
- 22.
This belief was largely true. Many tribal college students found jobs related to their studies on the reservation, enabling them to have employment and give back to their tribe. ( AIHEC et al. Survey of Tribal College Graduates 2000)
- 23.
- 24.
American Indians comprise 0.7 % of the population but only 0.4 % of engineering bachelor’s degrees and only 0.3 % of the engineering workforce.
- 25.
There is a modest literature on American Indians and STEM education. For general information, see NACME (2013). Some of the more narrowly focused topics include student characteristics of American Indians studying STEM disciplines (Schmidtke 2010), recruitment of American Indians into STEM fields (McNeil et al. 2011; Popovics et al. 1974), K-12 STEM education (Richardson and McLeod 2011; Carroll et al. 2010; Kafai et al. 2014), educational attainment of American Indian students in STEM disciplines (James 2000), the tensions between science and Indian culture (James 2006; Garroutte 1999; Murry et al. 2013), culturally agreeable science curricula for American Indians (Riggs et al. 2007; Kostelnick et al. 2009), stepping out and persistence of American Indian STEM students (McAfee 2000), STEM doctoral education for American Indian students (Oguntoyinbo 2014), engineering programs at tribal colleges and universities (NAE 2005), and attracting American Indian students to computing ( Varma 2009a, b).
- 26.
- 27.
James (2000) points to the particular difficulties the Indian schools have in staffing math and science faculty positions with qualified instructors and how many of these schools do not teach any advanced courses in these areas. He also points to the lack of role models, not only among family and friends, but also among teachers; most American Indian students never took a class in which the teacher was an Indian. He also points out that stereotypes are common “that native children are less capable than Euro-children, especially in science and mathematics,” and “that Indian children are more inclined toward arts and crafts than intellectual pursuits. Such condescendingly positive stereotypes can lead to lack of intellectual challenge and stimulation that helps mitigate against intellectual interest” and also to the Indian student’s lack of self-confidence.
- 28.
Programs that attempted to interest American Indian (and other) high school students in math and science included the Todd County math contest, Girls Day at South Dakota School of Mines, the Knowledge Bowl held at Sinte Gleska College, the Build a Computer program at Central High School, and the Math & Science Initiative run by the University of South Dakota . American Indian high schools students were given hands-on math and science experience through the Build a Computer program at Central High School, as well as through activities coordinated by the AISES chapters and by the Math & Science Initiative Program at the University of South Dakota . Support services were provided through federal TRIO and state GEAR UP programs, the Academic Café at Central High School, and transition counselors at Todd County high school.
- 29.
Popovics et al. (1974) is an interesting artifact of an earlier era. It is remarkable for how early it appeared in trying to recruit American Indian students into engineering education and careers. The article was written by engineers, for an education journal of engineers (IEEE Transactions on Education). It is not well informed by social science research, and in some ways it is not culturally sensitive. It takes the position, often expressed by engineers, that engineering is inherently interesting and that American Indians (and others) would necessarily feel the same way if only the barriers for its study were removed.
- 30.
A cohort approach is also being used in the doctoral program in the School of Social Transformation at Arizona State University, in which two cohorts of Pueblo Indians were established to study together through online courses and in-person classes in their community. Topics included issues concerning cultural preservation and economic development in their community. (Oguntoyinbo 2014)
- 31.
In 2005 the National Academy of Engineering held a two-day workshop on the campus of Salish Kootenai College in Montana. The purpose was to provide advice to 11 tribal colleges and universities that offer engineering programs. The report of this workshop (NAE 2005) reflects the importance of making the engineering curriculum culturally relevant to students. The examples given in the report, however, were weak at integrating cultural relevance into the engineering, science, and math courses being taught in these engineering programs: “(1) using Native symbols in school logos and campus designs; (2) offering, and in some cases requiring, courses on tribal culture and language…; (3) involving tribal elders in classroom teaching; and (4) providing facilities that can be used for adult education, boys and girls clubs, health clinics,….
- 32.
In a different paper, James (2000) discusses ways in which science is not value free. He writes: “Scientists and engineers are socialized and trained to value objectivity, but there are at least two problems with how this value is generally put into practice. First, the norm of being objective in gathering and evaluating information related to developing scientific understanding of a specific issue or problem is often unnecessarily and destructively extended to mean that the resulting knowledge should be applied without regard to consideration of anything other than its scientific or technical accuracy. Second, whereas few would argue with attempting to consider information objectively as a worthwhile ideal, scientists and engineers often invoke this ideal as a talisman to confer a veil of sanctity on their work despite abundant evidence that the human mind, even when possessed by a scientist, is inherently subjective in all its operations….
“Subjectivity creeps into science in many subtle ways. For instance, the problems that scientists and engineers address, far from being the universal want of some amorphous general society, more typically reflect the issues that particular groups possessed of significant economic and political power desire to have addressed. Not surprisingly, the benefits of addressing those problems typically go more to those powerful groups, and the costs typically fall more on less powerful social groups. Scientists and engineers, far from being objective in this process, are often part of the very elites that benefit and, conversely, outside of the groups that pay the costs. A substantial body of research indicates that judgments of the relative merit of a particular course of action do tend to be significantly, typically, unconsciously distorted by the social group memberships and the relative social statuses of the judges, of those who will benefit, and of those who will bear the burden of costs…”
Another value in science that Keith identifies is technological fix mentality: “Technology is seen by many as capable of solving anything, and technical virtuosity is admired in and of itself. These values are so strong among many scientists and engineers that problems are often immediately defined in technological terms and technical solutions are sought regardless of the true nature of the issue.”
The third and last of the science values that Keith describes here is specialization, compartmentalization, and reductionism, which he argues can be useful but is harmful in their extremes: “But the skewed values of modern science (and of some societies) and the structures and systems of sciences as professions tend to inhibit integration and coordination. This has two mutually reinforcing negative outcomes. Practical problems result because analyses and judgments tend to have very narrow foci regardless of the breadth of the issue(s) at hand; and those whose values tend more toward integration and synthesis tend to be driven away from scientific and technical fields.”
- 33.
Murry et al. (2013) describe a method of Vision Mapping, which they argue can be used to enable scientists and American Indian communities to work together on issues of sustainability.
James (2001) has also edited a volume from a conference that addressed the issue of reconciling science and American Indian culture and values.
- 34.
Davis served as president of Lac Courte Oreilles Ojibwa Tribal College and Little Priest Tribal College , as acting President and Chief Academic Officer at Fond du Lac Tribal and Community College , helped found College of the Menominee Nation, and was Provost at Navajo Technical University.
- 35.
The Kellogg Foundation’s $30 million commitment to American Indian higher education influenced the Lilly Endowment’s decision to invest $30 million in tribal campus buildings and also positively influenced contributions from the Packard, Fannie Mae, and several smaller foundations. (Boyer 2000).
- 36.
For a summary of Clinton Administration efforts to address digital divide issues in the American Indian community, see U.S. White House (2000).
- 37.
On the impact of EOT-PACI see Alexander and Foertsch (2003).
- 38.
The summative evaluation of the project by Foertsch (2004) was more positive about the collaboration gained between the three minority communities through this project. On the other hand, as Foerstsch notes, given the substantial networking infrastructure needs at these institutions and the large number of participating institutions (100), and the small amount of funding available when $6 million was split so many ways from the beginning, there were concerns about how far any individual institution would be able to advance on funding from this project.
- 39.
Regarding these cultural issues, Tom Davis (2014) stated: “…some of the differences have to do with culture within Indian country. I mean, just to try to give you an example, … Carol Davis at Turtle Mountain, who was the Chief Academic Officer up there for a long time, wrote her doctoral thesis upon what the medicine people and the Anishinaabe community in the northern tier of states in the United States where the Anishinaabe are, what they thought of information technology because there’s a lot of controversy about that. Really, should you give it sort of a violation of what Indian people are about and have historically been about in Indian culture, in Indian spirituality? And Carol’s thesis was pretty interesting. And what it basically showed is that, yeah, there’s a lot of concern about it. You don’t want certain information to get out about Indian culture on the net, for instance. You want to make sure that women stories are told properly, winter stories are told properly, that sort of thing. But, overall, the medicine people, I think, said, “Okay, this is a new way that our people can make money and make a living for their families, so go ahead, go do it”. And I think, so you have that element in all of the communities.”
Davis (2014) also reported a story about cultural issues concerning Navajo Tech: “At Navajo Tech, one the most interesting things was that there’s a lot of trouble bringing technology labs to communities and then one of the librarians had this idea of getting the Navajo rug-weavers, some of the elders in New Mexico together, where some of the finest of the rug work is happening around Crownpoint, and she introduced them, I think, … to [the software program] Paint to help them design patterns for their rug. And it was sort of difficult to get a group of them to come to that meeting, of these elderly women, primarily, from all over, the elderly women. But they came, we sent out a bus to pick them up or the group that brought them in sent us a bus out to pick those ladies up. They all came in and they got introduced to it and then the truck driver got into trouble because he couldn’t get them to leave. They got so deeply involved in it. And were talking about the cultural aspects and how cool this was and all that kind of stuff. And so, in the end, it’s a wonderful story. So you have some barriers within Indian country that I don’t think you have with any of the Hispanics or the Black communities, at least, that I know of.”
- 40.
However, this does not mean there was Internet connectivity in student homes. There is no economic incentive for the telecommunications companies to provide service in remote areas such as on Indian reservations. The federal government has funded connectivity infrastructure to some of these remote areas, such as through the Internet to the Hogan Project of the mid-2000s, which sought to increase connectivity to the Navajo Nation, a project of the San Diego Supercomputer Center with funding from NSF’s TerraGrid program. The first stage was to build a fast Internet connection from Albuquerque to Navajo Technical College, and from then “Through an extended mesh of wireless broadband towers that will be built by students, faculty and community members, NTC will offer broadband connectivity to 31 community centers, and later to schools, clinics, hospitals, police departments, fire houses and homes.” (Mueller 2007, also see Davis 2014).
- 41.
These were not the first NSF grants to the tribal colleges. Several grants were given as early as the 1970s, for example to Turtle Mountain Community College to build and equip laboratories for basic science courses. In the mid-1990s, NSF had provided funds through its Rural Systemic Initiatives Program to strengthen K-12 education in a number of poor communities, including various Indian reservations. Other major funders of STEM activities at tribal colleges and universities have been the Ford, Iannan, Kellogg, Gates, and Bush Foundation s as well as the federal departments of Education, Agriculture, Interior, Housing and Urban Development, and National Aeronautics and Space Administration . (Boyer 2014; AIHEC 2014)
- 42.
For a revealing, earlier example of the positive impact that telecommunications infrastructure can create on an Indian reservation, see the story of Oglala Lakota College and Pine Tree Reservation as told in James (2000). For a profile of the IT infrastructure at various individual tribal colleges and universities, see AIHEC (2009).
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Aspray, W. (2016). Opening STEM Careers to American Indians. In: Women and Underrepresented Minorities in Computing. History of Computing. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24811-0_5
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