Abstract
In this chapter, in line with interdisciplinary theorising in relation to other dissociative-presentations, we invoke narrative as the central “device” able to weave together trauma-related fragmented psychotic-experience, enabling greater toleration of associated painful affect. Conversely where narrative falters or the gap between lived and culturally narrated or prescribed experience becomes too great, dissociation–psychosis may ensue. Within this model we are able to build in dynamic and structural factors relating to the situation in Timor-Leste. Obversely from the perspective of self, a fragmented psyche is a mind in search of form, which we link to the notable cultural pathoplasticity of dissociative states. Cultural symbols in Timor-Leste are not secularised, and the linking of psychotic-symptoms to unseen spiritual or cosmological dramas, both reflects and communicates internal experience, in a containing manner. In this way psychotic symptoms are taken as meaningful by the community, although they may be simultaneously or strategically understood as a response to trauma, loss and adversity, alongside such extramundane attributions. Ethnography further suggests East Timorese culture to preference performance over exegesis, and in so far as psychotic symptoms are taken as meaningful, culture in turn provides a performative-template for fragmented self-experience to be moulded by. As such psychotic-symptoms may be more organised than at initially apparent. The ability of the community to hold and elaborate meaning of psychotic-symptoms, is also argued to provide a holding-frame for mental and social reintegration, after periods of acute distress and fragmentation, for the afflicted individual. Indeed, in so far that psychotic-symptoms may index unseen traditional cultural realities, now threatened by forces of acculturation, but validated by the community, a further potent organising influence is found.
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Notes
- 1.
Involving “excision of the labia and clitoris followed by almost complete infibulation: intentional occlusion of the vulva entailing obliteration of the vaginal meatus” (Boddy 1988, 5).
- 2.
Boddy (1988) makes clear the woman’s solution can only work if the possessing other remains Other. There can be no utility in framing the possessing spirit as a projection of disowned self-experience, for this would contravene the idealised pure-feminine self that is preserved through possession, and would also be felt as an attack on kin-relations, through which the self is reciprocally interlinked (see also Sect. 5.2.1). The aim therefore is not psychic-integration, as espoused by Western therapists, although there can be ongoing communication and exchange with the possessing entity (see also Sect. 5.1.2).
- 3.
The neuroscientist Antonio Damasio, observed “that individuals whose affective capacities were impaired also experienced cognitive impairment…rationality cannot be properly distinguished from emotions” (West 2007, 92).
- 4.
Ignoring, for now, theories of psychogenic contribution to physical disease causation, and while accepting the links between physical disease and socioeconomic status.
- 5.
- 6.
This was not necessarily, as Leff (1988) suggests in his analysis of some traditional cultures, because of a limited emotional lexicon. Tetum provided for a complex emotional range of expression, with meaning often created through the compounding of body-part words with adjoined adjectives (Avram 2008—e.g. laran kanik = inside broken = broken heart). As one native speaker put it to linguist Taylor-Leech (2008, 166) “I love Tetum-Terik. I am discovering more and more every day of its intricacies.” Clearly however language evolves in accordance with the needs of the people using it and East Timorese ritually governed, sociocentric selves (see Sect. 1.7.2, Footnote 32) likely have less need for making subtle differentiations in internal mental states, where preferred emphasis is on relationships and meaning. Nonetheless Indonesian or Portuguese loan words could be used where necessary, particularly for technical translations of Western psychiatric terminology (such as for depression and specific psychotic symptomatology) although some may have resisted the use of loan words, especially Indonesian ones, on account of its imperialistic connotative significance (Taylor-Leech 2008).
- 7.
While individuals in the West may be subject to the wider forces of social exclusion, acute gestures of self-harm are still recognised and responded to by the community and public service providers.
- 8.
Such cultural templates are part of a small repertoire of cultural resources available to the individual experiencing states of extreme mental fragmentation, functioning as an opposing “organising” influence, even if from the perspective of the observer, this is not at first apparent.
- 9.
According to an earlier focus group the East Timorese community acknowledged there might be occasional instances in which people simulate bulak with various motives (Graves 2003, 18) and indeed one participant had pertinently contented that some “people pretended to be crazy because they are drunk”. At one level this in fact supports our concept of bulak as a culturally category to “act into” (cf. Pearce 2007; see Sect. 1.7.1). It also highlights there is likely to be a spectrum of presentations according to greater or lesser degrees of actual or apparent agency, which itself may be more or less consciously accessible.
- 10.
A similar performance analysis has been made for dissociative experiences in Western medical settings, as manifest in the medical dramas involving patients with conversation symptoms taking centre stage and weaving a complex plot between patient, doctor and family, even if the “actors” are not always consciously party to the dramatic ironies, “uncovered” by later historical and cultural commentators (Ellenberger 1981; Littlewood and Lipsedge 1987).
- 11.
Here we might again invoke Segal’s idea of “symbolic equation” (see Sect. 3.1.2), as in such instances, there is clearly a conflation between representation and reality.
- 12.
Another reading of Adriano’s (Sect. 1.4.2—Case BP1) assertion that he “had been witness to the murder of family and/or friends”—later retracted and denied by his family—might be at the allegorical level (but experienced as concrete and real—Sects. 3.1.2 and 4.2.1) standing for his sense of wounding of Timor as a whole, although of course other explanations such as the sealing over of dissociated memory and the downplaying of trauma by his family need to be seriously considered (see Sect. 2.3.4).
- 13.
A neo-Marxist perspective, would of course suggest such developments to be far from incidental (even if not consciously conspiratorial) but rather part of the wider logic of late capitalist, neo-colonialism.
- 14.
Indeed an earlier scoping study using community focus groups and surveys had surprisingly identified “problems with the brain” as the most frequently cited explanation for mental illness—this was contrary to our experience in the field in which this was only rarely described as an explanation (an understandable exception being the elderly lady with apparent dementia secondary to head-injury: Sects. 1.4.3 and 2.3.4—Table 2.1—Case CP4). While certainly of value, the study was linked to the setting up of the new East Timor Mental Health Service, partly funded by overseas aid, with leadership by Western mental health professionals. This scoping study was also participated in with an expectation of “psychoeducation” and as such these findings almost certainly partly reflected “demand characteristics” of the study (cf. Kagee 2004; see Sect. 1.6).
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Rodger, J., Steel, Z. (2016). Narrative Dimensions of Dissociative-Psychosis. In: Between Trauma and the Sacred. Cultural Studies of Science and Medicine . Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24424-2_4
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