Abstract
Nearly all psychologists think that cardinality is the basis of number knowledge. When they test infants’ sensitivity to number, they look for evidence that the infants grasp the cardinality of groups of physical objects. And when they test older children’s understanding of the meaning of number words, they look for evidence that the children can, for example, “Give [the experimenter] three pencils” or can “Point to the picture of four balloons.” But when people think about the positive integers, do they single them out by means of the numbers’ cardinality, by means of the ordinal relations that hold among them, or in some other way? This chapter reviews recent research in cognitive psychology that compares people’s judgments about the integers’ cardinal and ordinal properties. It also presents new experimental evidence suggesting that, at least for adults, the integers’ cardinality is less central than their number-theoretic and arithmetic properties.
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Notes
- 1.
This issue might be put by asking whether people think of the first few naturals as cardinal or ordinal numbers. However, “cardinal number” and “ordinal number” have special meanings in set theory, and these meanings don’t provide the intended contrast. In their usual development (e.g., [8]), the ordinals and cardinals do not differ in the finite range, with which we will be concerned in this chapter. (Both ordinal and cardinal numbers include transfinite numbers—for which they do differ—and so extend beyond the natural numbers.)
- 2.
You might wonder about the use of sets in this construction: Do young children have a notion of set that’s comparable to mathematicians’ sets? Attributing to children at this age a concept of set in the full-blooded sense would be fatal to Carey’s claim that Quinian bootstrapping produces new primitive concepts (e.g., the concept FIVE) that can’t in principle be expressed in terms of the child’s pre-bootstrap vocabulary. We know how to express FIVE in terms of sets (see, e.g., [8]). So the notion of set implicit in representations like {object 1 , object 2 } is presumably more restrictive than ordinary sets.
- 3.
Many quantitative contexts, including some just mentioned, involve measurement of continuous dimensions (e.g., temperature, time, and length) rather than counting. Current research in developmental psychology suggests that infants are about equally sensitive to the number of objects in a collection (for n > 3) and to the continuous extent (e.g., area) of a single object when it is presented alone (see [9] for an overview). This is presumably because the same kind of psychophysical mechanism handles both types of information (see Section 3.1). However, infants’ accuracy for the number of objects in a collection (again, for n > 3) is better than that for the continuous extent of the objects in the same collection [5]. Of course, children’s knowledge of continuous extent, like their knowledge of number, has to undergo further changes before it can support adult uses of measurement (see, e.g., [24]). Some intricate issues exist about children’s understanding of continuous quantity that are the topic of current research [39], but because this chapter focuses on knowledge of natural numbers, this brief summary will have to do.
- 4.
The same is true in education theory, as Sinclair points out in her chapter in this volume. See that chapter for an alternative that is more in line with the structural perspective.
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Acknowledgement
Thanks to Ernest Davis, Jacob Dink, and Nicolas Leonard for comments on an earlier version of this chapter and to John Glines, Jane Ko, and Gabrielle McCarthy for their help with the experiments described in Section 4.
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Rips, L.J. (2015). Beliefs about the nature of numbers. In: Davis, E., Davis, P. (eds) Mathematics, Substance and Surmise. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21473-3_16
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