Abstract
Within much of the current historiography, the relationship between Wittgenstein and the Vienna Circle is discussed in terms of a virtually one-sided relationship: a direct influence by Wittgenstein upon the circle (For a general overview of the most recent literature on Wittgenstein, including, in particular, his relation to the the Vienna Circle, see Frongia and McGuinness 1990; Drudis-Baldrich 1992; Baker 2003). In fact, this stereotypical approach seems confirmed in some of the self-portraits that have been offered by members of the circle (Frongia and McGuinness 1990, 17–26). Correspondingly, in the Circle’s manifesto (1929), its views were illustrated with the following dictum of Wittgenstein: “What can be said at all, can be said clearly” (The Scientific Conception of the World: The Vienna Circle (1929 manifesto) in Neurath 1973, 306; Wittgenstein, Tractatus logico-philosophicus (1922), 4.116). This quotation was meant to underscore their shared anti-metaphysical purpose. To be sure, the subsequent assertion that the scientific world conception knows “no unsolvable riddles” steered the Circle’s reception of Wittgenstein—at least that of its left wing around Hans Hahn, Rudolf Carnap, and Otto Neurath—in a direction that Wittgenstein must have abhorred, for his intention was not to mobilize a philosophical collective into an anti-metaphysical commando squad. Rather, as has now been clearly established, he wished to engage in a process of linguistic criticism and clarifying intellectual labor, morally and therapeutically oriented in the manner of Karl Kraus, Adolf Loos, and Arnold Schönberg (On Wittgenstein in his socio-cultural context see Janik and Toulmin 1973. For the most recent intellectual biographies see McGuinness 1988; Monk 1990. On analytic philosophy in the framework of Austrian intellectual history see K. R. Fischer 1991): a philosophical counterweight to both the mannerisms of literary supplements and the metaphysically idle elements of everyday language. These thinkers were concerned with a type of objectivity that was directed against any linguistic acrobatics and aimed at establishing the limits of that realm which can only be “shown” in language. Wittgenstein formulated this basic stance succinctly in a letter to Ludwig von Ficker: what was at stake here for him was the demarcation of ethics “from the inside,” against the realm of the verifiable propositions at work in the natural sciences (Wittgenstein to Ludwig von Ficker (Oct.–Nov. 1919) in Wittgenstein 1969, 35: “Namely, I wanted to write that my work consists of two portions: what is here available, and everything that I haven’t written. And it is precisely this second portion that is the important one. Namely, through my book the ethical is, as it were, delimited from within….”). What we have is thus a dualism of facts and values in an ideal, picture-theoretical linguistic framework. Its result was, for Wittgenstein, the emergence of the unsayable or ineffable as central categories in the realms of philosophy, religion, art, and literature. In contrast, in their focus on Wittgenstein, the Vienna Circle concentrated almost entirely on the anti-metaphysical implications of the logical analysis of language for the realm of the sayable. It did so knowing it received a dose of mysticism in the bargain (a fact that Neurath, in particular, would note critically time and again). Against this backdrop, it is hardly surprising that in letters to his admirer Friedrich Waismann—the latter had been working fruitlessly on a popular version of the Tractatus since 1929—Wittgenstein offered an extremely negative opinion of the circle’s program (Mulder 1968, 389 ff).
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Frongia and McGuinness 1990, 17–26.
- 3.
The Scientific Conception of the World: The Vienna Circle (1929 manifesto) in Neurath 1973, 306; Wittgenstein, Tractatus logico-philosophicus (1922), 4.116.
- 4.
- 5.
Wittgenstein to Ludwig von Ficker (Oct.–Nov. 1919) in Wittgenstein 1969, 35: “Namely, I wanted to write that my work consists of two portions: what is here available, and everything that I haven’t written. And it is precisely this second portion that is the important one. Namely, through my book the ethical is, as it were, delimited from within… .”
- 6.
Mulder 1968, 389 ff.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
On the theme of Wittgenstein and architecture cf., e.g., Haus Wittgenstein 1984.
- 10.
- 11.
Ludwig Wittgenstein und der Wiener Kreis, loc. cit., editor’s foreword.
- 12.
Ibid., 147.
- 13.
Ibid., 117 f.
- 14.
Schlick 1930b, 4–11.
- 15.
On Schlick and the Vienna Circle see McGuinness (ed.) 1985; see also Schlick Studien.
- 16.
Cf. Chap. 7.
- 17.
Neurath 1933a, 29.
- 18.
- 19.
“Thesen von Friedrich Waismann (um 1930),” in Wittgenstein und der Wiener Kreis, loc. cit., 232–61.
- 20.
- 21.
On the transition from the Aufbau to the Logical Syntax see Sauer 1989.
- 22.
- 23.
Cf. Janik and Toulmin 1973, 257.
- 24.
Carnap Collection RC 102-78-07, University of Pittsburgh Libraries, Special Collections Department (RCC). I would like to thank the Archives for Scientific Philosophy, Curator W. Gerald Heverly, for permission to copy passages from Carnap’s diary as well as from the correspondence between Wittgenstein and Schlick. I would also like to extend my thanks to the Vienna Circle Foundation and Wiener Kreis Archiv (WKA) in Amsterdam-Haarlem, under the chairmanship of Henk L. Mulder, for permission to use and copy material from the Schlick archives.
- 25.
Wittgenstein 1980, 52e.
- 26.
- 27.
Carnap 1963, 25 ff.
- 28.
Ibid., 25.
- 29.
Feigl 1969, 638 f.
- 30.
- 31.
- 32.
Neurath, Carnap, and Morris (eds.) 1970–71.
- 33.
The following citations and paraphrases are taken from the correspondence between Carnap and both Schlick and Wittgenstein.
- 34.
Carnap 1932b, 452.
- 35.
Carnap 1934a, 2nd ed. 1968, 248 f.; English: Carnap 1937, 321.
- 36.
Neider 1977, 29.
- 37.
McGuinness (ed.) 1985, 99–101, 159–62, 209–12.
- 38.
According to McGuinness, ibid., 211.
- 39.
Carnap 1963.
- 40.
Carnap to Schlick, 12-9-1932.
- 41.
- 42.
Cf. Haller 1986.
- 43.
On the entire controversy, which can only be described cursorily in these pages, see Hintikka 1989; M.B. Hintikka and J. Hintikka 1990 (especially chapters 6–8); cf. Haller 1990, McGuinness 1991. Hintikka and Hintikka (1990, 184) argue “that the decisive turning point in Wittgenstein’s philosophical development in 1929 was declaring a physicalist colloquial language instead of [a]… phenomenological language to be the standard, indeed sustainable basal language of philosophy.” They further explain “that this transformation is the only clear initial change in Wittgenstein’s views….” The background of the philosophical conflict between Wittgenstein and Carnap might, indeed, be illuminated by the postulate of two languages and two periods in Wittgenstein’s thinking (phenomenalism and physicalism); at the same time Wittgenstein’s own reference to the Tractatus in view of its physicalist content (also pointed to by McGuinness) and the (in)expressibility of semantics remains unexplained. As a result of his conceptually differentiated examination of the shift from phenomenalism to physicalism in Wittgenstein, Carnap, Neurath, and the Vienna Circle, Haller rightly calls into question the notion that Wittgenstein was a physicalist in the sense of Neurath and Carnap; this despite a common motivational background in the preference of a public-intersubjective over a private-subjective language.
- 44.
Cf. Sect. 4.1.1.5.
- 45.
Wittgenstein 1980, 4318e f.
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Stadler, F. (2015). Wittgenstein and the Vienna Circle: Thought Style and Thought Collective. In: The Vienna Circle. Vienna Circle Institute Library, vol 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-16561-5_6
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