Abstract
The chapter, by examining the history of Islam, shows interplay between localism and transnationalism in the local dynamics, which is largely ignored in analyses of the contemporary politics of Islam. Yet the Islamic regulations in contemporary West Sumatra would not be possible without the interaction of local and transnational actors and ideas. The regional governments’ engagement with Islam have an historical perspective. The institutionalising the tenets of Islam dated back to the royal courts of the pre-colonial Islamic kingdoms and the colonial government’s Office for Native Affairs even though it has only become possible to pass regional laws (peraturan daerah, perda) in the post-Suharto era. This chapter argues that the relationship between a global Islam and a local identity was simultaneously accommodating and contested, as indeed it is today. In doing so, the chapter examines a brief historical overview of Islam in West Sumatra from the advent of Islam in the Malay world to its role in the post-Suharto era. The chapter seeks to contextualise the key phases in West Sumatra’s history in the broader history of the archipelago and the Malay world, and to show how key events in West Sumatra and at the national level set the parameters for later debates about Islam and identity in the region.
This chapter of this book has been published in the Journal of Indonesian Islam, the State Islamic University (UIN) Sunan Ampel Surabaya entitled ‘Islam, Politics and Identity in West Sumatra’.
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Notes
- 1.
For a discussion of the farming practices of women in contemporary West Sumatra, see Blackwood (2008).
- 2.
Howell (2001: note 2) argues that the term Sufi has many different meanings. It can be associated with devotional practices and religious concepts that are quite separate from Sufism’s common association with mysticism.
- 3.
Kahane (1980), among others, has pointed out that economic interests, not purely religious motives, enhanced the spread of Islam into the Malay archipelago.
- 4.
There is some disagreement on this. According al-Attas (1969), the Acehnese Syaikh Abdullah Arif, Sheikh Burhanuddin’s teacher, introduced Islam into Padang Pariaman in West Sumatra in the seventeenth century.
- 5.
Wujudiyah is the cyclic ontology of divine self-manifestations. For example, the universe is seen as ‘a series of neo-platonic emanations’ and each of these emanations is considered as an aspect of God himself (Azra 2004: 53).
- 6.
‘Adat basandi Syarak, Syarak basandi Adat’was widely accepted as a form of compromise between Islamic and adat leaders by 1837 (Hadler 2008b: 29).
- 7.
Islam was constructed as the source of a common identity in the fight against the Dutch, in which the Dutch were described as infidels and even Jews (Aspinall 2009: 25).
- 8.
The Dutch engaged in a number of other attempts to control Islam around this time. Among other measures, the colonial authorities forced pilgrims to obtain a passport in order to travel to Mecca between 1825 and 1852. In order to do so, each pilgrim was required to obtain a certificate from his district head vouching for his financial capacity to make the return journey and provide for his dependents at home. Arab migrants were also required to live in special cantonments in the main towns and to apply for a pass every time they wished to leave their place of residence (Reid 2005: 231).
- 9.
See Chap. 6 for further discussion of this issue.
- 10.
In West Sumatra, early stirrings of nationalism were apparent in Abdul Rivai’s appeal for kemajuan, the notion of social progress, in 1904. A Minangkabau student in Holland and the Malay editor of Bintang Hindia (Star of the Indies), Abdul Rivai stressed the importance of social development within an Indies nation state (Abdullah 1971: 12).
- 11.
There is some controversy about the beginnings of Sarekat Islam. According to Shiraishi (1997: 76), the organisation was established under that name in 1912, replacing an earlier organisation, Rekso Roemekso, which was founded in 1911. However, according to McVey (1965: 8), Sarekat Islam was established in 1911 as the Islamic Commercial Union in Surakarta.
- 12.
Datuk Sutan Maharaja responded to the establishment of the West Sumatran Sarekat Islam by forming a Minangkabau Adat party called the Adat Association of the Minangkabau World (Sarekat Adat Alam Minangkabau, SAAM) in September 1916. Most of the party’s members were local panghulu and their adat staff. Datuk Sutan Maharaja not only cooperated with the Dutch but also formulated his own explanations for the relationship between adat and religion, in which adat was positioned as being in line with Sufi Islam, and tasauf (a personal approach to God). His rejection of the idea that adat should be directly based on Islamic laws, as was claimed by Kaum Muda movement, led him to cooperate with the Kaum Tua (Abdullah 1972: 230, 232).
- 13.
For a discussion of Muhammadiyah’s position on education, see Chap. 5.
- 14.
- 15.
After the collapse of the Islamic Caliphate in Turkey and the failure of the Islamic World Congress in Mecca planned in 1927, the PSII and its successor emphasised Indonesian nationalism rather than Pan-Islamism (Abdullah 1971: 122).
- 16.
Divisions between Islamic organisations also emerged. For example, Permi accused Muhammadiyah of being too close to the Dutch while Muhammadiyah accused Permi activists of not being motivated by Islam (Noer 1973: 264).
- 17.
Islamic parties, including Masyumi, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the Indonesian Islamic League Party (Partai Sarikat Islam Indonesia, PSII), campaigned for inclusion of the Jakarta Charter in the national philosophy and the constitution for a second time during the deliberations of the Indonesian Constituent Assembly in 1959 (Prins 1959: 122). However, the proposal did not gain the required two-thirds majority support (Hosen 2007: 67; Nasution 1992: 32).
- 18.
A number of attempts made to revive the Jakarta Charter during the New Order period and the early the post-Suharto era also failed (Hosen 2007: 59–107).
- 19.
Kahin (1999: 176) argues that Darul Islam did not take hold in West Sumatra because the Minangkabau were not attached to any particular regional political party and were not yet interested in regional autonomy. Kartosuwirjo and Kahar Muzakar were executed in 1962 and 1965 respectively. The Indonesian government negotiated with Acehnese leaders in 1962, leading to a peace agreement that restored Aceh as an autonomous province with special rights to implement Islamic law. The same approach was used by Jakarta in 2005 following the 2004 tsunami and the subsequent cessation of conflict. (For a detailed discussion of Aceh’s relations with Jakarta, see Aspinall 2009).
- 20.
The national-level council, the Indonesian Council of Ulamas (MUI), was subsequently established in 1962, with the aim of gaining more support from Islamic groups (Noer 1978).
- 21.
It is important to note that youth groups also played important role in debates around national ideology. The Indonesian Islamic Students’ Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia, HMI), formed in 1947, was closely associated with Masyumi during the Sukarno years, and constituted a strong force of opposition against communism (Baswedan 2004: 674).
- 22.
Hatta had resigned as Vice President in protest against Sukarno’s growing authoritarianism in December 1956.
- 23.
Sukarno was almost killed in an assassination attempt known as the Cikini Affair in November 1957 (Lev 1966: 33).
- 24.
As will be seen later, this law was important in the politics of Islam in the post-Suharto era.
- 25.
The tension between Islam and the Republican government in West Sumatra also affected the relationship with communists in the region. During the March 1947 coup the Army commander was Colonel Ismael Lengah, who had a secular education and was considered by Islamic groups to be a socialist and a follower of Tan Malaka. Lengah refused to return weapons of the Islamic militia even though Muhammad Natsir and the Vice President Mohammad Hatta at that time asked him to do so (Kahin 1999: 125–127).
- 26.
The Banteng division became the Territorial Division I and II (Divisi Bukit Barisan) of the Indonesian National Army (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) in 1950.
- 27.
Kahin argues that Djambek’s accusations should be contextualised in the fact that he had been forced to resign from the Indonesian military in Jakarta after being charged with corruption, and was seeking opportunities for influence on his return to Padang (Kahin 1999: 202–204).
- 28.
The former Masyumi leaders established the Islamic Propagation Council of Indonesia (Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia, DDII) in 1967. DDII has strong links with Saudi Arabia. It has sent Indonesian youths to study in the Middle Eastern countries and has funded the construction of mosques and Islamic schools in Indonesia (Hasan 2002).
- 29.
- 30.
Schwarz (1999) argues that the organisation was in fact set up to facilitate Muslim input into public policy. However, van Bruinessen (1996) claims that ICMI was designed to generate Muslim support to balance growing dissent within the armed forces. From 1987 to 1993, Suharto was in conflict with the powerful armed forces commander, the chief of the major intelligence services and then the Minister for Defence, the Catholic Benny Moerdani. According to Baswedan (2004), Suharto’s change of heart was not only designed to balance the power of the armed forces, but also to accommodate the increasing strength of Islamic elements within Golkar. At the 1998 national convention, members of ICMI and former members of HMI gained control over the party’s leadership. .
- 31.
Between 1987 and 1996, the number of desa decreased by 1,000 (Kahin 1999: 261).
- 32.
The Justice Party changed its name to the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) in 2002 after failing to reach the electoral threshold of 2 % in the 1999 election.
- 33.
- 34.
Hosen (2007) argues that this was the case because Muslims have generally been more concerned more with maintaining the right to practise Islam freely, than with the establishment of formal Islamic laws through which the state enforces religious practice.
- 35.
- 36.
A report from Human Rights Watch in 2010 suggests that more than 200 regional Islamic regulations had been implemented throughout the country.
- 37.
The most radical of these organisations is the Jamaah Islamiyah, which was the main group behind the bombing of Western-linked targets like the Sari Club in Bali in 2002 (Jones 2005). Some observers assert that there has not been a strong enough response from the government to acts of this kind because of links between the military and the militant groups and a failure of law enforcement (van Bruinessen 2002; Azra 2006). Lieutenant-General Prabowo Subianto has been said to be associated with the Indonesian Committee for Solidarity with the Muslim World (Komite Indonesia untuk Solidaritas Dunia Islam, KISDI) and the Indonesian Islamic Propagation Council (Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia, DDII), both of which strongly support militant Islamic groups (Rabaza 2010: 26). As reported by Wikileaks, the FPI was also initially funded by the former head of the Indonesian Police Department, Retired General Sutanto, now the head of the Indonesian Intelligence Agency (Badan Koordinasi Inteligen Nasional, BAKIN). There are many studies on Islamic radicalism in Indonesia. See, for example, van Bruinessen (2002), Rabasa (2003), Eliraz (2004), Lim (2005) and Hadiz (2008).
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Salim, D.P. (2015). Islam, Politics and Identity. In: The Transnational and the Local in the Politics of Islam. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15413-8_2
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