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The Ritual and the Promise: Why People Value Social Ritual

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Book cover Culture, Diversity and Heritage: Major Studies

Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs on Pioneers in Science and Practice ((BRIEFSTEXTS,volume 12))

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Abstract

Anthropology and economics have very different approaches to the question of value. While economists look for methods of evaluation in transactions on the basis of what is being exchanged, anthropologists have always given attention to the way agents think about value in the whole range of transactions they are involved in, but at another level they look for the value of underlying structures for society.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This text was originally published as “The Ritual and the Promise: Why People Value Social Ritual”, in: Hutter, Michael; Throsby, David (Eds.): Beyond Price: Value in Culture, Economics, and the Arts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007): 141–158. Permission was granted on 28 May 2013 by Ms. Claire Taylor, Senior Publishing Assistant, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK.

  2. 2.

    In recent years a new reading of Adam Smith by several authors, among them Rothschild (2001), highlights the implications of Smith’s mention of sentiments and freedoms in economic decision making as embedded in social and political contexts.

  3. 3.

    The discussion of Clyde Kluckhorn’s Rimrock study is taken from the excellent summary by Graeber (2001).

  4. 4.

    The basic study on this topic is Van Gennep (1960).

  5. 5.

    Rites of solidarity were widely associated with clans and other segmentary descent groups, one of whose multifunctions was to identify group members and set one group off from another. See Harris (1971).

  6. 6.

    They choose the colours of the cutout paper, the flowers, the napkins, the plates, and the vases that are set on the altar. In the case of new difuntos, all items have to be new. The ofrenda is framed in a certain way by placing it against a wall or in the corner inside the main room of the house, which may also be the main bedroom, or in an outside terrace. They first place the vases and the candle holders in strategic ways. Then they are careful to display the items in a certain order, i.e., first the food, then the bottles of liquor or soft drinks, then specific things the difunta or difunto liked, such as cigarettes of their preferred brand. Then they set the new mats on the floor, on which they, the women of the house and only they, place the ofrendas to be given by kin and friends.

  7. 7.

    Analysis could be extended on this point but for the purposes of this chapter suffice it to say that there are basically three forms of prestige for individuals and families in the village. The highest value is given to social prestige, which is earned through giving service to the village, creating an intense web of giving and receiving by the male head of the family based on the social connectivity and labor of the women in his household. Second, prestige is usually also connected with political standing, when local and municipal office is held. The third way of gaining prestige is with wealth.

  8. 8.

    “Se tiene que hacer como lo hacían los antiguos y en el tiempo de los Aztecas, voy a creer que había Pepsis”. “Pero ahora ya la gente les pone Pepsis y si eso es lo que toman, eso es lo que toman. Tampoco les ponían cigarros”. “¡Pero sí tenían tabaco, habría que ponerles hojas de tabaco!”.

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Correspondence to Lourdes Arizpe .

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Arizpe, L. (2015). The Ritual and the Promise: Why People Value Social Ritual. In: Culture, Diversity and Heritage: Major Studies. SpringerBriefs on Pioneers in Science and Practice(), vol 12. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-13811-4_3

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