Abstract
We examine whether there is a good case for empowering the young—through youth quotas and further measures—in order to increase environmental protection. While we shed no doubt on the cause of empowering the young in general or on the cause of protecting the environment in general, we raise a number of worries about using the former as an instrument for the latter. First, from a democratic perspective, it is objectionable to increase the influence of a certain part of the electorate as a means for giving additional weight to certain views. Second, the reasons that make it important that certain segments of society represent their interests themselves hardly apply in the case of the young. Third, we should not overstate how much more the young are affected by environmental degradation than the old, in particular not when we take into account that other unrepresented groups—such as the unborn, non-citizens, and animals—are heavily affected by present environmental policy decisions as well. Fourth, it is surprisingly unclear whether the young display particularly strong pro-environmental attitudes and behavior.
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Notes
- 1.
Constitutional protections certainly raise their own problems. And it is not as if the democratic public had nothing to do with such decisions. Quite to the contrary, it needs to decide on constitutional changes as well.
- 2.
The question we ask in this section is admittedly one-sided: We are only asking whether the young are more affected by environmental degradation. In a fuller treatment we would also have to examine whether the young are particularly affected by measures to combat environmental degradation. In determining the ‘net interest’ in stronger environmental policies both the benefits and costs matter. We focus here only on the former and we do so on the basis of the assumption that a large share of the costs of present-day environmental policy decisions appear in the short-term and thus affect the young and the old similarly.
- 3.
If the consequences come into effect immediately but then persist, they admittedly affect the young more than the old. However, this holds true for any policy with persistent effects and this chapter is concerned with the question whether there is a specifically environmental case for empowering the young.
- 4.
We focus here on Western nations. Note that the difference in affectedness between the young and the old plays out differently for developing nations who have a different age structure, a different trajectory of change of this age structure, and different environmental challenges.
- 5.
It should, however, be stressed that the evidence suggests that whether and to what extent motivation crowding occurs depends on a number of factors. Also, a lot of the literature focuses on monetary rewards (or punishments) and the effect may play out differently when the rewards are nonmonetary. On these issues, see Gneezy et al. (2011).
- 6.
This perspective is implicit in many discussions on the precautionary principle. It is made explicit in Rendall (2011) and Roser and Seidel (2013, 59 ff.); see also Posner and Weisbach (2010, p. 18).
- 7.
See also Wagner and Kritzinger (2012, Table 1) and http://www.whitlam.org/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/507803/Newspoll_Analysis_Update_Election_Poll_Update_Aug_2013.pdf and http://www.ekospolitics.com/wp-content/uploads/full_report_december_9.pdf and http://socialreport.ch/?page_id=1421&lang=de and http://www.uni-giessen.de/cms/ueber-uns/pressestelle/materialien-1/parteien-studie and http://www.u18.org/vergangene-wahlen/bundestagswahl-2013/ergebnis/ and http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/how-parliament-would-look-if-only-youth-voted/article4328414.
- 8.
Compare for example the FDP on the one hand and the SPD and Die Linke on the other hand in the German national elections of 2013 (http://www.uni-giessen.de/cms/ueber-uns/pressestelle/materialien-1/parteien-studie).
- 9.
Side effects could admittedly go in both directions. For example, it is very possible that more diversity in the policy process (by having more young decision-makers involved) could increase the quality of overall policy outcomes, not just in the environmental domain (on this, see Bidadanure in this volume). If we should, however, be asymmetrically concerned with downside risks, then accepting the chance of both positive and negative side effects must count as a disadvantage.
- 10.
We would like Elizabeth Finneron-Burns for valuable research support as well as the participants of a workshop on youth quotas organised by the Foundation for the Rights of Future Generations in Stuttgart and a workshop on short-termism at the Université Catholique de Louvain.
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Conclusion
Conclusion
In this paper we highlighted multiple problems with the initially appealing idea of introducing measures to empower the young on the grounds that this serves environmental goals. We should stress that we are neither opposed to measures which empower the young, nor to environmental protection—quite on the contrary. We only meant to question using the former as an instrument for the latter. Measures to increase the presence and the voice of the young in politics might well be justified on further bases besides environmental protection—for example, on the basis that this would better familiarize the young with the political process or on the basis of better approximating the all-affected-principle—and there are innumerable further effective and justified instruments for protecting the environment besides empowering the young.
Regarding the particular measure to empower the young prominently discussed in this volume, namely youth quotas, we argued that even in those cases where wanting to empower the young is justified, it is not clear that this requires descriptive representation, i.e. that the young have to be represented by the young. Certainly, if it turns out that young people are more likely to vote if there is a young representative on offer, then this might provide a reason for lowering the median age of political representatives. But there is nothing about being young per se that requires young political representatives.
Regarding empowering the young as a means for preventing environmental degradation more generally, we raised three additional worries. First, the idea of increasing the influence of people with certain views in order to push substantive goals stands in tension with democratic ideals. Second, the young are not much more affected by environmental problems than the old and they are affected less than other groups. Appealing to their objective self-interest could in principle even be counterproductive in case this appeal makes voting in one’s own personal interest look more respectable. Third, an empirical examination makes it questionable whether the young are particularly good defenders of the environment.Footnote 10
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Karnein, A., Roser, D. (2015). Saving the Planet by Empowering the Young?. In: Tremmel, J., Mason, A., Godli, P., Dimitrijoski, I. (eds) Youth Quotas and other Efficient Forms of Youth Participation in Ageing Societies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-13431-4_6
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