Skip to main content

Can Youth Quotas Help Avoid Future Disasters?

  • Chapter
  • First Online:

Abstract

In this paper I argue for the following conclusions. First, quotas are not normative goals in themselves but only a means to reach non-discriminatory selection procedures. Second, in a democracy quotas are most plausibly used as a means to fill offices in those bodies which have a major impact on how well interests or discourses are translated into policy. Third, quotas for the young can be justified since, due to demographic development, their discourses tend to be marginalized. Fourth, youth quotas cannot be a means to ensure long-term policy-making, but they can enhance legitimacy of long-term impacts from policy decisions taken today.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution.

Buying options

Chapter
USD   29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD   39.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD   54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD   54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Learn about institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    I draw here on Vanhuysse 2013, pp. 23–24. Interestingly enough, demographic development and an increasing number of older people have not only negative effects. As Dyson 2012 shows, the ageing of the citizen body tends to increase democratization.

  2. 2.

    Another example to understand the role of representatives of future generations is provided by Ekeli 2005.

  3. 3.

    For a critical normative assessment of this and other proposals to secure intergenerational justice in democracy, see van Parijs 1998.

  4. 4.

    I explain in Sect 3 what I understand by ‘political affirmative action programs’. In short, they select candidates from disadvantaged social groups for offices if they gain equal or similar voting power, rather than a candidate from an advantaged social group.

  5. 5.

    For a helpful overview of the debate see Rössler 1993.

  6. 6.

    For a more developed argument to justify my view see Wallimann-Helmer 2013: esp. Chap. 2.

  7. 7.

    For two classical texts discussing reverse discrimination see Newton 1973 and Dworkin 1977, pp. 269–288.

  8. 8.

    This argument has been made in various forms. The first philosopher stating it was to my knowledge Thomson 1973.

  9. 9.

    One of the recent statements of this argument with regard to education is provided by Anderson 2007.

  10. 10.

    In calling this weakest form of quotas ‘affirmative action’ I come close to at least some aspects of what Pojman discussed under the label ‘weak quotas’ (Pojman 1998). However, I am also aware that ‘affirmative action’ broadly understood could denote any kind of preferential treatment of disadvantaged social groups which must not necessarily be linked with the idea of quotas.

  11. 11.

    To be sure, in democratic theory it is a contested issue whether democracy should be understood only in procedural or also in more substantive terms (e.g. Buchanan 2002; Brettschneider 2005; Christiano 2004; Brettschneider 2005, 2007; van Parijs 2011). In this paper it is not possible to justify the view that genuine democracy should also incorporate a more substantive goal. However, as should become clear in the following a more substantive goal of democracy like the one suggested by Christiano is a necessary presumption in order to make possible an argument for quotas in democracy. I would like to thank Nenad Stojanovic for raising this issue.

  12. 12.

    A more developed discussion of this problem can be found in Stojanovic 2013, pp. 133–140.

  13. 13.

    To be sure, an argument along these lines implies that one would have to alter the understanding of democracy and its relevant representative institutions overall. It would not only have to be the discourse of the young which would have to be represented proportionally; it would also have to be all kinds of discourses present in society and not interests.

  14. 14.

    Dryzek and Niemeyer by contrast argue that the frequency with which interests can be and are voiced have a major impact on policy decisions (Dryzek und Niemeyer 2008, p. 484). If one assumes that voiced beliefs alter political discourse, then—irrespective of the proportion of society minorities constitute—any kind of proportional representation will improve their situation. However, although voicing beliefs can have an impact on the formation of policy decisions when the chips are down, for final decisions the decisive power still lies with the larger social groups and not minorities.

  15. 15.

    A proposal along these lines is for example made by Young 1990.

  16. 16.

    For this argument see for example Dryzek und Niemeyer 2008, p. 484; Young 1990.

References

  • Anderson, E. (2007). Fair opportunity in education: A democratic equality perspective. Ethics, 117(4), 595–622.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Brettschneider, C. (2005). Balancing procedures and outcomes within democratic theory: Core values and judicial review. Political Studies, 53(2), 423–441.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Brettschneider, C. (2007). Democratic rights. The substance of self-government. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Brooks L. A. (2012). The papers and writings of Abraham Lincoln. Vol. 7. Edited by The Project Gutenberg. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2659/2659-h/2659-h.htm#link2H_4_0028. Accessed 31 Oct 2013.

  • Buchanan, A. (2002). Political legitimacy and democracy. Ethics, 112(4), 689–719.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Christiano, T. (2004). The authority of democracy. The Journal of Political Philosophy, 12(3), 266–290.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Christiano, T. (2010). The constitution of equality. Democratic authority and its limits. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dobson, A. (1997): Representative democracy and the environment. In W. M. Lafferty & J. Meadowcroft (Eds.), Democracy and the environment. Problems and prospects (pp. 124–139). Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dovi, S. (2011). Political representation. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2011/entries/political-representation/. Accessed 5 Oct 2012.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dryzek, J. S., & Niemeyer, S. (2008). Discursive representation. American Politician Science Review, 102(4), 481–493.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Dworkin, R. (1977). Taking rights seriously. London: Bloomsbury.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dyson, T. (2012). On demographic and democratic transitions. Population and Development Review, 38(Suppl), 83–102.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Ekeli, K. S. (2005). Giving a voice to posterity—deliberative democracy and representation of future people. Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics, 18(5), 429–450.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kymlicka, W. (2002). Contemporary political philosophy. An introduction (2nd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mansbrige, J. (1999). Should blacks represent blacks and women represent women? A contingent “yes”. The Journal of Politics, 61(3), 628–657.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Mansbrige, J. (2003). Rethinking representation. American Political Science Review, 97(4), 515–528.

    Google Scholar 

  • Newton, L. H. (1973). Reverse discrimination as unjustified. Ethics, 83(4), 308–312.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • O’Neill, O. (1976). How do we know when opportunities are equal? In C. C. Gould & M. W. Wartofsky (Eds.), Women and philosophy. Toward a theory of liberation (pp. 334–346). New York: Putnams.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pettit, P. (2004). Depoliticizing democracy. Ratio Juris, 17(1), 52–65.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Pojman, L. P. (1998). The case against affirmative action. International Journal of Applied Philosophy, 12(1), 97–115.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Rawls, J. (1971). A theory of justice. Original edition. Cambridge: Belknap.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rehfeld, A. (2006). Towards a general theory of political representation. The Journal of Politics, 68(1), 1–21.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Rössler, B. (1993). Quotierung und Gerechtigkeit: Ein Überblick über die Debatte. In B. Rössler (Ed.), Quotierung und Gerechtigkeit. Eine moralphilosophische Kontroverse (pp. 7–28). Frankfurt a. M.: Campus-Verl (Theorie und Gesellschaft, 29).

    Google Scholar 

  • Sher, G. (1988). Qualifications, fairness and desert. In N. E. Bowie (Ed.), Equal opportunity (pp. 113–127). Colorado: Westview Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stojanovic, N. (2013). Dialogue sur les quotas. Penser la représentation dans une démocratie multiculturelle. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po.

    Google Scholar 

  • Thompson, D. F. (2010). Representing future generations: political presentism and democratic trusteeship. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, 13(1), 17–37.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Thomson, J. J. (1973). Preferential hiring. Philosophy & Public Affairs, 2(4), 364–384.

    Google Scholar 

  • van Parijs, P. (1998). The disfranchisement of the elderly, and other attempts to secure intergenerational justice. Philosophy and Public Affairs, 27(4), 292–333.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • van Parijs, P. (2011). Just democracy. The Rawls-Machiavelli programme. London: ECPR (ECPR Press essays).

    Google Scholar 

  • Vanhuysse, P. (2013). Intergenerational justice in aging societies. A cross-national comparison of 29 OECD countries. http:/www.sgi-network.org/pdf/Intergenerational_Justice_OECD.pdf. Accessed 1 Nov 2013.

  • Wallimann-Helmer, I. (2013). Chancengleichheit im Liberalismus. Bedeutung und Funktion eines überschätzten Ideals. Freiburg: Alber (Band 51).

    Google Scholar 

  • Warren, M. A. (1977). Secondary sexism and quota hiring. Philosophy & Public Affairs, 6(3), 240–261.

    Google Scholar 

  • Williams, B. (1973): The idea of equality. In B. Williams (Ed.), Problems of the self (pp. 230–249). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Young, I. M. (1990). Justice and the politics of difference. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Ivo Wallimann-Helmer .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2015 Springer International Publishing Switzerland

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Wallimann-Helmer, I. (2015). Can Youth Quotas Help Avoid Future Disasters?. In: Tremmel, J., Mason, A., Godli, P., Dimitrijoski, I. (eds) Youth Quotas and other Efficient Forms of Youth Participation in Ageing Societies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-13431-4_5

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics