Abstract
Historically cast as idle, indolent, destitute, and degenerate, the “poor whites” of Barbados are viewed as being ostracized from island and global economic spheres and processes of capitalism. Although implicated in processes of modernization, their roles within island society were markedly different from those of enslaved and, following emancipation, formerly enslaved Afro-Barbadians. As “white” plantation residents, they represent the starkest escape from slavery, given their free status, yet their presence on the landscape raises significant questions about labor on the plantation during and after the period of slavery. Archival data suggest that producers of the historical record had particular notions of appropriate forms of labor that didn’t neatly coincide with localized economic activities. Therefore, I suggest that “poor white” Barbadians were active participants in informal economic networks and engaged with capitalist processes on their own terms, characterized by the politics of work.
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Notes
- 1.
Given the nature of and political motivations inherent within census data, such an argument is difficult, if not impossible, to quantify. Handler (1974) illustrates that “mulattos” or “free people of color” only represented a small fraction of the official Barbadian population in the decades leading up to emancipation. However, Cecily Forde-Jones (1998) illustrates that the perceived maintenance of racial boundaries was essential to the success of racial hierarchies and ideologies.
- 2.
- 3.
Excavation units were placed at three different house sites, but given materials present and the invaluable ethnographic insight provided by Wilson Norris, his childhood home became the focus of the project.
- 4.
Most of the imported ceramics dated to the immediate decades prior to, and following, emancipation. In addition, a high proportion of the sherds were Scottish-made spongeware. In general, these wares were of poorer quality in terms of production than their English counterparts and were less expensive (see Cruikshank 2005).
- 5.
Loftfield notes that although many of the hollowware vessel forms found in Barbados may have roots in Europe, “[their] use in Barbados, however, is most likely associated with African foodways” (2001, p. 226).
- 6.
Believing that the enslaved would not be capable of successfully transitioning from slavery to freedom, a period of apprenticeship was imposed in 1834 and was supposed to last for six years before being cut short in 1838 for a host of reasons including laborer unrest as well as pressure from abolitionists.
- 7.
- 8.
In the post-emancipation era (after 1838) it is possible that those listed as residents of Clifton Hall were residing on top of the cliff in the newly-established tenantry. However, given that St. John’s parish church is in close proximity to the post-emancipation site, it is likely that those residing on Clifton Hall lands and being baptized at St. Margaret’s were living below the cliff. This was confirmed by former village residents.
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Reilly, M. (2015). The Politics of Work, “Poor Whites,” and Plantation Capitalism in Barbados. In: Leone, M., Knauf, J. (eds) Historical Archaeologies of Capitalism. Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-12760-6_16
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