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Agricultural Improvement at China’s First Agricultural Experiment Stations

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Part of the book series: Archimedes ((ARIM,volume 40))

Abstract

The first agricultural experiment stations in China were established at the beginning of the twentieth century by political reformers who sought to improve the country’s agriculture through scientific research. Inspired by institutional models of agricultural research in Japan and the USA, reformers and agricultural specialists used the experiment stations as testing grounds for new inputs and methods of cultivation. They took a special interest in trying to raise agricultural productivity by importing and experimenting with many new varieties of crops and by testing old and new fertilizers using new knowledge about soil and chemistry. The work of the central government’s experiment station in Beijing on plant propagation, acclimatization, soils, and fertilizers exemplified the research agenda of Chinese agricultural science in this era. In the 1920s, the prominence of the first experiment stations faded as the locus of Chinese agricultural research shifted toward universities and their work in plant breeding.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On the reforms, see Reynolds (1993) and Reynolds (1995). In the main text throughout this chapter, Chinese and Japanese names are written according to the standard name order, with family name followed by given name, but the reference list uses English-language name order.

  2. 2.

    One recent exception is Yuan (2012), pp. 110–129.

  3. 3.

    The text about agricultural machinery is Nongshi lun lüe (Brief discussion of agriculture), in Liang (1897). The text about guano, Pilu guo que fen lun (Guano in Peru), was translated from Japanese and published in the Nongxue bao (Journal of agriculture) in 1902. See Zhong (1996), p. 157.

  4. 4.

    Eastman (1988), p. 66. China was, however, rich in landesque capital, the human-made land formations that are part of agricultural infrastructure and technology, such as irrigation works or terraced fields.

  5. 5.

    For the USA, see True (1970), pp. 82–106, 118–64. For Japan, see Hayami (1975), pp. 49–52; Ogura (2000), pp. 318–324; and Francks (1984), p. 79.

  6. 6.

    On Japan’s appropriation of American models for education and research, see Kargon (2008), esp. 65–66, and True (1970), p. 44, 46–47. On the American appropriation of germplasm and other biological materials from Japan and East Asia, see Kloppenburg (2004), p. 55, 60, 78.

  7. 7.

    In some instances, Chinese officials directly referenced American and Japanese experiment stations as inspirations for Chinese agricultural research (Ye 1909, p. 1a; Nong shang bu 1914c, p. 1a).

  8. 8.

    One historian has called Japan “China’s model and active partner” in the political and institutional reforms of the era. See Reynolds (1993), p. 5.

  9. 9.

    Kingsbury (2009), pp. 144–166, and Kloppenburg (2004), pp. 66–84.

  10. 10.

    Luo published “Riben nongzheng weixin ji” (Japan’s agricultural policy reforms) as part of a longer treatise devoted to ideas for agricultural reform in China. See Luo (2010).

  11. 11.

    “Wu nong hui shiban zhangcheng nigao” (Draft of trial regulations of the Society for agriculture), Nongxue bao (Journal of Agriculture) 15 (November 1897), 2b, in Jiang and Jing (2009), 1:106, and also quoted in Li (1957), 1:866.

  12. 12.

    Nearly two-thirds of the treatises in the Collected Works were translated from Japanese (Li 2008, p. 27). Lists of texts in the Collected Works appear in Dong and Fan (2000), pp. 837–840, and Li (1957), 1:868–70. For an overview of the Society’s publications, see Ihara (2000), pp. 298–303.

  13. 13.

    Li (2008), p. 29.

  14. 14.

    Li (1956), p. 156, and Guo (1988), p. 463.

  15. 15.

    Tao et al. (1973), p. 4, 5–6 (Jia Shumo, “Zhili sheng nongye qingxing” (Agricultural conditions in Zhili Province)).

  16. 16.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:4a, 13a–b.

  17. 17.

    These provinces were Shanxi, Hubei, Sichuan, Shandong, Henan, Gansu, and Guizhou. (Nong gong shang bu 2007a, 2:4b, 5a, 5b; Nong gong shang bu 2007b, 2:5a, 5b, 6a, 7a). At an agricultural school established in Gansu Province in 1907, an experiment station with space for a forestry section and mulberry garden was set up to give students a chance to conduct field tests on crops with “the expectation of bringing the academic principles of the lecture halls and practical experimentation (shidi shiyan) into concordance” (Nong gong shang bu 2007b, 2:6a).

  18. 18.

    Quoted in Li (2008), p. 55.

  19. 19.

    Li (1956), p. 210, 216.

  20. 20.

    Ye (1909), pp. 1b–2a, and Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:9a.

  21. 21.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:12a-15b; Nong gong shang bu (2007b), 2:10a–11a; Bai et al. (1995), p. 13; and Yuan (2012), pp. 111–112.

  22. 22.

    Zhang (1979), p. 141.

  23. 23.

    Nong shang bu (1914a), p. 1.

  24. 24.

    Ye (1909), p. 17a.

  25. 25.

    Ye (1909), p. 24a, 25b.

  26. 26.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), p. 1b.

  27. 27.

    Elvin (1975), p. 95, 101.

  28. 28.

    Ye (1909), pp. 58a–59b.

  29. 29.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), muci:1–6, fulu:43–48.

  30. 30.

    Ye (1909), p. 10a.

  31. 31.

    Ye (1909), p. 1b, 4a, 9a, 17a–b.

  32. 32.

    Zhu Ying, “On late Qing economic laws and regulations, (ca. 1901–1911),” in Reynolds (1995), p. 124.

  33. 33.

    In 1914, officials lamented the public’s general disregard for research taking place at the station. They decided to sell tickets for admission to the station, the zoo, and the exhibition halls to raise money for research, while continuing to encourage spectators to learn about new trends in farming and new agricultural products (Nong shang bu 1914c, pp. 1a–b; Nong shang bu 1914b, p. 2, 31–34).

  34. 34.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), fulu:1, 4.

  35. 35.

    Nong shang bu (1914b), pp. 91–99.

  36. 36.

    Nong shang bu (1914b), p. 92, 96. Perhaps because of these Japanese connections, a catalog of dozens of photographed scenes from the experiment station in Beijing was printed in Tokyo after its 1st year of operation. See Anonymous (1909).

  37. 37.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:14a-14b, 15a.

  38. 38.

    Governor-General Zhang Zhidong’s decision in 1900 to switch from American to Japanese agricultural specialists, whom he employed as advisors, exemplified the spirit in which Chinese reformers more readily looked toward Japan in this period. See Stross (1986), pp. 42–49; Reynolds (1993), p. 108; and Zhang (1979), p. 140.

  39. 39.

    Luo (2010), 11:304–306; Li (1957), 1:859–860; and Li (2008), p. 29.

  40. 40.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:272 (Tao Changshan, “Mai lei zhi xin zhong shuru shuo” (Discussion of the importation of new varieties of wheat)).

  41. 41.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:171–172 (Zhu Zurong, “Jia zhong lu” (Record of superior seeds)). His earlier work is Zhu (1995).

  42. 42.

    Ye (1909), pp. 5a–b.

  43. 43.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), fulu:5.

  44. 44.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:14a.

  45. 45.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:13a–b.

  46. 46.

    Tao et al. (1973), pp. 133–134 (Huang Qian, “Guangdong sheng nongye qingxing” (Agricultural conditions in Guangdong Province)).

  47. 47.

    Fengtian nongye shiyan chang (1909a), 4:1:nongyibu:1a–2b.

  48. 48.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:12a.

  49. 49.

    Ye (1909), pp. 4a–4b.

  50. 50.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:9a, and Ye (1909), p. 6b.

  51. 51.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:196 (Zhu, “Jia zhong lu”).

  52. 52.

    Ye (1909), p. 17b.

  53. 53.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), shuyike:12, 45, 56, 59, yuanyike:20.

  54. 54.

    Regulations limited institutions to 2 l (sheng) of seed, 20 rings (quan) of silkworm eggs, and 8 tree saplings, and restricted individuals to receiving no more than one-fourth the allowances for institutions. Recipients of seeds were required to report to Beijing the sowing period, the transplant period, the harvest period, the average harvest per land area, the results of quantitative comparisons with previous harvests, and the existence of any insects, pathogens, or climatic irregularities or calamities (Nong shang bu 1914b, pp. 21–22).

  55. 55.

    The National Federation of Agricultural Associations was organized by the Nanyang Industrial Exposition’s Research Group during meetings in Nanjing in the summer of 1910 (Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui 2002, 1:3, 5).

  56. 56.

    Hubei nonghui (1910), vol. 1, no. 1 zhangzou:3b-6a. (“Nong gong shang bu zou ding nonghui jianming zhangcheng er shi san tiao” (The Ministry of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce memorializes on setting concise regulations for agricultural associations in 23 articles), 20 October 1907. Zhu, “On late Qing economic laws and regulations, (ca. 1901–1911),” in Reynolds (1995), pp. 114–115.

  57. 57.

    Three years earlier, Zhu Zurong had suggested establishing a seed association (miao zhong hui) with two branches, one each for northern and southern China, for the purpose of facilitating seed exchanges between different parts of the country. See Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:171–172 (Zhu, “Jia zhong lu”). On the activities of the Federation, see Tao et al. (1973), p. 60 (“Ben bu tiyi tongguo ge an” (Proposals made and passed by this Ministry)).

  58. 58.

    These three provinces were Shanxi, Henan, and Shandong (Nong shang bu 1914c, huayanke:33).

  59. 59.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:172 (Zhu, “Jia zhong lu”).

  60. 60.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:9a-9b, and Nong gong shang bu (2007b), 2:8a–b.

  61. 61.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), yuanyike:56.

  62. 62.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), yuanyike:40.

  63. 63.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), yuanyike:69.

  64. 64.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), shuyike:5.

  65. 65.

    Ye (1909), p. 9a.

  66. 66.

    On the history of fertilizers in China, see Liang (1989), pp. 197–201, 409–412, 503–511, and Bray (1984), pp. 289–298.

  67. 67.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), fulu:7, bingchonghaike:87–97.

  68. 68.

    Bentley (Bentley 1894). The text was republished several times thereafter, in Liang (1897) and in Yuan (1901). Several years later, Bentley wrote another short tract suggesting that China establish a national department of agriculture along the lines of the US Department of Agriculture. (Bently 1903). See Stross (1986), pp. 18–20.

  69. 69.

    Reardon-Anderson (1991), p. 36, and Wright (2000), pp. 238–240.

  70. 70.

    Johnston (1899); Johnston (1845); King (1900); King (1895); Greiner (1903); and Greiner (1892). See also Liu (2002), pp. 210–211.

  71. 71.

    The original publications are Hara (1892), Ikeda (1894), and Sawamura (1900). See Li (1957), 1:869; Dong and Fan (2000), pp. 838–839; and Zhong (1996), pp. 157–158.

  72. 72.

    Li (1957), 1:858 (Liang Qichao, “Nonghui bao xu,” (Preface to the journal of the Society for Agriculture)); Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:172 (Zhu, “Jia zhong lu”).

  73. 73.

    Ye (1909), p. 27a.

  74. 74.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), huayanke:5–6.

  75. 75.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), fulu:6.

  76. 76.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:12a, 13a.

  77. 77.

    Fengtian nongye shiyan chang (1909b), 1:15a–29b.

  78. 78.

    Nong gong shang bu (2007a), 2:13a.

  79. 79.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), fulu:7–8.

  80. 80.

    Ye (1909), pp. 28a–30b.

  81. 81.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), fulu:7.

  82. 82.

    Tao et al. (1973), p. 105 (Wu Jun et al., “Gansu sheng nongye qingxing” (Agricultural conditions in Gansu Province)).

  83. 83.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:232 (Sun Yue, “Yanjiu nongye yijian” (Ideas about researching agriculture)).

  84. 84.

    According to the station’s technicians, such a heavy reliance upon human manure was due to the shortage of phosphoric acid (Nong shang bu 1914c, shuyike:2).

  85. 85.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), shuyike:5–6.

  86. 86.

    Nong shang bu (1914c), shuyike:2, 66.

  87. 87.

    Note that Zhu used the Japanese weight measure kanme (guanmu, approximately 3.75 kg) to discuss these fertilizers. See Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:175, 178 (Zhu, “Jia zhong lu”).

  88. 88.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 3:60–81 (“Guangdong nongshi shiyan chang ren zao feiliao shuoming shu” (The Guangdong Agricultural Experiment Station’s explanatory booklet on manmade fertilizers)).

  89. 89.

    The Pratas Islands were brought under Qing control in February 1910 after having been settled and mined for guano by Taiwan-based Japanese entrepreneurs several years earlier. See Rhoads (1975), p. 141.

  90. 90.

    See the following two sources in Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002): “Guangdong quansheng huafen kuangzhi suo kuang chanpin shuoming shu” (Explanatory booklet of the chemical ore products mined in Guangdong Province), 3:25–28; “Guangdong nongshi shiyan chang ren zao feiliao shuoming shu,” 3:60–81; see also Tao et al. (1973), p. 115 (Huang, “Guangdong sheng nongye qingxing”).

  91. 91.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:180 (Zhu, “jia zhong lu”) and 4:95–96 (Lu An, “Ouzhou zhongzhi zhitang luobo xinfa” (Europe’s new methods for cultivating the sugar beet)).

  92. 92.

    From 1915 to 1918, political authorities established experiment stations for cotton in Hubei, Jiangsu, Hebei, and Henan provinces. By 1920, there were more than 20 experiment stations devoted to cotton in the city of Tianjin and the surrounding region. See Zhengli mianye choubei chu (1921), p. 1; Shen (1970), p. 211; and Pomeranz (1993), p. 97.

  93. 93.

    H. L. Russell, Log Two, China and Philippines, 7, Rockefeller Foundation Archives, International Education Board, quoted in Stross (1986), p. 146.

  94. 94.

    Shen (1970), pp. 212–213.

  95. 95.

    Stross (1986), pp. 116–142, and Dongnan daxue nongshi shiyan chang mian zuo gailiang weiyuanhui (1925), Mei mian yuzhong baogao: shi er nian, shi san nian, 1.

  96. 96.

    Schneider (2003), pp. 78–85; Shen (1970), pp. 214–220; and Stross (1986), pp. 143–160.

  97. 97.

    Tan and Zhao (2002), p. 233, and Shen (1970), p. 216.

  98. 98.

    Schneider (1988) and Schneider (2003), pp. 33–91.

  99. 99.

    Nanyang quanye hui yanjiu hui (2002), 2:272 (Tao, “Mai lei zhi xin zhong shuru shuo”), and Tan and Zhao (2002), pp. 5–7.

  100. 100.

    On the experience in the USA, see Kimmelman (1987).

  101. 101.

    Even after 1915, Japan continued to have a measured degree of influence on the ideas of Chinese scholars and politicians. See Lu (2004), p. 253.

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Lavelle, P. (2015). Agricultural Improvement at China’s First Agricultural Experiment Stations. In: Phillips, D., Kingsland, S. (eds) New Perspectives on the History of Life Sciences and Agriculture. Archimedes, vol 40. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-12185-7_16

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