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The Coproduction of Station Morphology and Agricultural Management in the Tropics: Transformations in Botany at the Botanical Garden at Buitenzorg, Java 1880–1904

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New Perspectives on the History of Life Sciences and Agriculture

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Abstract

This chapter examines biological practice in relation to agricultural management at the Dutch botanical garden at Buitenzorg, Java. Melchior Treub, Buitenzorg’s director from 1880 to 1909, fundamentally transformed the garden by expanding and developing its facilities, partly in response to the need to control diseases of both plants and humans. The Garden attracted foreign scientists from around the world and became a model for biological stations elsewhere. Garden scientists also led in the disciplinary transformation of morphological science around 1900. In response to problems of tropical biology and agriculture, evolutionary morphology developed into a new kind of science that embraced an ecological approach involving both field and laboratory research. This new conception of morphology departed dramatically from the understanding of morphology as the speculative construction of evolutionary trees, the predominant view in the European university. The Garden provides an exceptionally good location to assess the transformations occurring in biological science around 1900. Instead of the idea that there was a “revolt” from morphology at this time, we can see that there was instead a transformation and reinvention of the morphological orientation, one that depended on a cooperative relationship between more academic and corporate approaches to science, parallel to the study of cooperation processes in the environment itself.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Lotsy (1912, p. 19).

  2. 2.

    Haeckel (1901 , p. 70).

  3. 3.

    One can conclude this by comparing in the supplements to the Dutch parliamentary debates, the Handelingen (van de Eerste en Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal) and especially the yearly budgets of the Netherlands (Ministry of the Interior; division of Education, Arts and Sciences, universities) and the Dutch Indies (Ministry of Education, Religion and Trade, after 1904 Ministry of Agriculture) that are attached to the debates. In 1900, the five faculties of the University of Leiden, the most important university of the Netherlands received 839,788 guilders (including three state museums), the other two universities of Utrecht and Groningen got half of the money; Buitenzorg by itself only received 20 % of the amount of the latter two. But its Indonesian staff (administration and labor in the garden) was cheaper and was not put on the budget completely and transparently, the institute had a research task that can be compared with that of a “half faculty” (focusing on the life sciences and chemistry, but without teaching obligations), only salaries formed part of the budget (housing and materials were budgeted somewhere else), and, more important, it received sums from the private industry as well. In 1904, however, when Buitenzorg became its own Department of Agriculture, it received circa 7,000,000 guilders. But now more was included in the budget, including all the money for coffee, cinchona, and other cultures. For a comparison between the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) and Buitenzorg, see also: Zangger (2011, p. 384).

  4. 4.

    The first was David Fairchild (1869–1945) in 1896, who worked at the USDA, but whose visit was sponsored by a wealthy millionaire. In 1923, he was to found a tropical garden named “the Kampong,” named after a typical Javanese village, in Coconut Grove, Florida. The second was the Harvard student Edwin Mead Wilcox (1876–1931) in 1899, also paid for by private funding, as a preparation for a function at the new Soledad facility, which in the end he turned down. He became director of the Oklahoma Agricultural Experiment Station and later on moved to Alabama, Nebraska, and the Dominican Republic. The third was Charles Lester Marlatt (1863–1954), an entomologist from the USDA and the fourth was Charles Sprague Sargent (1841–1927), director of Harvard’s Arnold Arboretum. After Ramaley’s visit, eight more Americans would visit Buitenzorg before the First World War. On Fairchild and Wilcox, see Raby (2012, vol. 38, pp. 85–86). For a list of all visitors to the Buitenzorg laboratory in the 50 years after its foundation, see, Dammerman, “A history of the visitors’ laboratory.”

  5. 5.

    Ramaley (1905, p. 579).

  6. 6.

    Ramaley (1905, p. 589).

  7. 7.

    On Ramaley, see Vetter (2011); Vetter (2012).

  8. 8.

    Cittadino (1991); Maat (2001); Moon (2007); Goss (2011); van der Schoor (2012).

  9. 9.

    Roersch van der Hoogte and Pieters put it even more firmly: “With regard to the history of the Botanical Garden of Buitenzorg, there is no adequate scientific-historical survey,” Roersch van der Hoogte and Pieters (2013, p. 93).

  10. 10.

    That the sociological label “co-production” matches the practice institutes like Buitenzorg is shown in Storey (2004).

  11. 11.

    For more on Naples and Wimereux, see de Bont (2009).

  12. 12.

    “State,” meaning both “belonging to the political dependency of the Dutch Indies” and “directed by the colonial government.” “Land” can be translated as “Land” too, and with the “‘s” being an abbreviation of “des,” an archaic genitive form of “de” (the), the whole could also literally be translated as “Plant Garden of the Land.” By “land” the Dutch Indies is meant, not the Dutch Empire as a whole. The Dutch did not use epithets like “imperial” and if it had been a pan-imperial institute, the institute would probably be either “koninklijk” (royal) or “nationaal,” with a seat in the Netherlands proper.

  13. 13.

    Treub (1899, pp. 2–3).

  14. 14.

    Nyhart (1995, p. 23).

  15. 15.

    Treub (1873). The other lab assistant in Leiden was Hoek. Utrecht would soon follow with the appointment of lab assistants.

  16. 16.

    Nyhart (1995). For an analysis of the growth of evolutionary morphology in the anatomical discipline in the medical faculties, see Rooy (2011).

  17. 17.

    I am preparing a dissertation on the growth of “stationism” in zoology and botany in the Netherlands and the Dutch Indies between 1872 and 1904. See also Robert-Jan Wille (2009).

  18. 18.

    Zevenhuizen (2008, p. 68).

  19. 19.

    Suringar wrote an introduction to one of Treub’s works, Si donc d’une part l’étude des fleurs, poursuivi d’une manière scrupuleuse et méthodique pourra mener au perfectionnement de l’arrangement des familles…il est hors de doute d’autre part que les études histiogéniques de tous les organes sont de nature à porter des lumières, là où les relations morphologiques sont obscures sans elles, et qu’elles méritent d’occuper une place très-honorable parmi les guides sérieux et confiables…. See Treub (1876, pp. vii–viii).

  20. 20.

    National Archives, The Hague, 2.04.13, Ministry of the Interior, Department of Education, Higher Education, 1875–1918, 139, request in letter of Leiden faculty of sciences to Leiden university curators, 30 September 1879. No such item was ever put on the budget.

  21. 21.

    Went (1916, p. 13).

  22. 22.

    Artis Library Amsterdam, Hoek Papers, four letters in the early Buitenzorg years from Melchior Treub to Paulus Hoek, especially one sent on 3 January 1881.

  23. 23.

    See the many publications that between 1880 and 1887 appeared in the Annales du Jardin Botanique de Buitenzorg and the Verslagen en Mededeelingen van de Koninklijke Akademie der Wetenschappen, hereafter VMKAW, for example: Treub 1884. For a more detailed list, see Lotsy (1912, pp. 27–31).

  24. 24.

    Vries (1904).

  25. 25.

    A summary of the paper that was read is found here: VMKAW 3–1, 1885, 189–193.

  26. 26.

    The botanists studied the life cycles of fungi to promote “a new role for [Kew Gardens] as an imperial center for research into economic botany and agriculture.” McCook (2011, p. 95). In 1881, a final report was published.

  27. 27.

    See Chap. 1 and especially the diagram of Rip (2002, p. 9). On early modern Dutch science and its dependency on the colonial tropics, Cook (2007).

  28. 28.

    Solms had sent in an article for publication in Treub’s before-mentioned scientific journal Annales, a journal Treub had inherited from his predecessor and of which only one volume had appeared. Together with the articles written by staff members Treub and Burck, Solms’s articles would transform the journal into a more European-style journal that captured all the disciplines of biology, not just taxonomy.

  29. 29.

    Solms-Laubach (1911); Zeijlstra (1959, p. 54).

  30. 30.

    “Warfare state” is a reference to Edgerton (2006). I use the term because in 1887 a quarter of the public expenditure of the Dutch Indies went to the War and Navy departments. The Netherlands was in a long-lasting colonial war of attrition with the Sultanate of Aceh at that time. See the data sampled by Jan Luiten van Zanden and Joost Mellegers and the latter’s accompanying text and bibliography on the public finances of the Dutch Indies: Mellegers (n.d.).

  31. 31.

    Solms-Laubach (1884). See also: Verslag [omtrent den staat] van ‘s Lands Plantentuin [en de daarbij behoorende inrichtingen, betreffende het jaar], hereafter VLP, 1884, 12.

  32. 32.

    Williamson (1896, p. 189).

  33. 33.

    Archive of North Holland at Haarlem, Royal Dutch Academy of Sciences archives 64, 129, map on Buitenzorg fund, letter Treub to Academy, 19 January 1885 and letter Treub and the three botany professors of Leiden, Utrecht, and Groningen in name of the Academy to the Minister of the Interior, 20 August 1887. On the Dutch seat in Naples since 1872, see Wille (2009).

  34. 34.

    Went (1915, p. 12. For the case of Switzerland, see Zangger (2011, pp. 385–386).

  35. 35.

    Elzinga (1997); Harwood (2010); Kaiserfeld (2013).

  36. 36.

    Treub (1879).

  37. 37.

    See the lectures (including a small presentation of Treub on tropical plant budding) in Stokvis et al. (1888). Treub reviewed this conference and applauded its scientific nationalism: Treub (1887a).

  38. 38.

    See VMKAW 3–5, 1889, 4–5. It led to this article: Treub (1888). For more on the role of “nature’s experiments,” see Kohler (2002, pp. 212–251).

  39. 39.

    See the national budget attached to the parliamentary debates: Handelingen, 1882–1883, appendix B, 23, Chap. II, department V, item 58.

  40. 40.

    National Archives The Hague, 2.02.01, Ministry of Colonies, verbalen 1850–1900, 4032, verbaal 12 February 1887, containing reports and correspondence between The Hague and Batavia/Buitenzorg on the support of science in the Dutch Indies, including advice by Treub. On the nature of the Dutch colonial archives and the historical system of verbalen in relationship to knowledge and power formation within the imperial state, see Stoler (2010, pp. 8–15).

  41. 41.

    For a formal history of this society, see Pulle (1940).

  42. 42.

    Maat (2001, pp. 58–71).

  43. 43.

    Handelingen, 1889–1890, 95.

  44. 44.

    Treub (1893); Treub (1892). On the foundation of the Garden, see Weber (2012).

  45. 45.

    Solms-Laubach (1884).

  46. 46.

    Dammerman (1945).

  47. 47.

    Went (1915, p. 13). Because of the cooler mountain climate, this natural monument had a certain “Europeanness”; it reminded Treub of the outdoors of the Dutch interior (the province of Gelderland). Treub (1881).

  48. 48.

    Went (1898).

  49. 49.

    Only five Frenchmen and four British visitors had come; they had their own imperial institutes. Noteworthy are the visitors from the smaller countries of Switzerland (five), Sweden (four), and Belgium (four). Some visitors went straight to other colonies: There were visitors from German Cameroon, British Fiji, and Belgian Congo. University cities that sent more than five scientists: Berlin, Jena, Munich, and St. Petersburg (half of them from the university, half of them via the Imperial Academy of Sciences). Dammerman, “A history of the visitors’ laboratory.”

  50. 50.

    Anon 1902 “Professor M. Treub, Director of the Botanical Garden at Buitenzorg, Java, was a visitor at the garden [i.e. in New York] during a few days in mid-November and again toward the end of the month. In addition to the inspection of some of the other botanical institutions of America, Professor Treub made a study of the Bureau of Plant Industry of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The entire botanical and agricultural needs of the island of Java, with its twenty-four millions of inhabitants, are cared for in the Buitenzorg Garden, which is thus in effect a department of agriculture of the Dutch government for the island. Very important arrangements for future exchanges of seeds, specimens, and books were made with him.” For more on the modeling of the department on the USDA, see Goss (2011, p. 89).

  51. 51.

    With the Rocky Mountains a reference is made to Ramaley; with the Caribbean to Fairchild and Wilcox; with the Usambaras to Albrecht Zimmermann (more about him further in the text). The Belgian Léon Pynaert (1876–1968) was the first director of the Congolese botanical garden of Equatorville (now Eala-Mbandeka) and stayed at Buitenzorg to prepare his directorship in the tropics.

  52. 52.

    For Kohler’s definition of working landscapes as “environments in which humans are a dominant presence,” see Kohler (2011, p. 222).

  53. 53.

    This Harvard entomologist never visited Buitenzorg, but was later asked to determine ants caught on the islands of Krakatau. Wheeler 1910 ; Wheeler 1924.

  54. 54.

    Kohler (2002, p. 75).

  55. 55.

    Treub (1982).

  56. 56.

    Ramaley (1905, p. 579).

  57. 57.

    See also van der Schoor (2012).

  58. 58.

    I will not deal with the constructive nature of “pure science” here. Both Goss and van der Schoor deal with this: Goss (2009); Goss (2011); van der Schoor (2012). See also the debate on Lewis Pyenson’s use of the somewhat similar term “exact science” in imperial (Dutch) context: Pyenson (1993); Palladino and Worboys (1993); Pyenson (1989).

  59. 59.

    Around 1900 Buitenzorg published many journals. Other journals were: Teysmannia (from 1890 onwards, a semipopular scientific garden journal); Icones Bogorienses (from 1897 onwards, containing images and descriptions of endemic plants); Bulletin de l’Institut botanique de Buitenzorg (from 1898 onwards; a journal containing selected translated articles from the Mededeelingen). From 1897 a series of taxonomic monographs was published for short-term visitors who did not have the time to do taxonomy themselves: Flore de Buitenzorg. Next to these journals, the Garden published an Annual Report every year (from 1868 onwards). The first volume of Annales was published in 1876, the first volume of Mededeelingen in 1885, a few months before Treub’s contribution on sugarcane, which was the second installment in the series.

  60. 60.

    Treub (1885); Treub (1887b).

  61. 61.

    Treub (1889).

  62. 62.

    On Koningsberger, see Goss (2009).

  63. 63.

    Amani continued this status under British rule: Tilley (2011), Chaps. 3 and 4. For more on the German history of the institute, see: Bald and Bald (1972); Zimmerman (2006). Amani’s main rival for the position of most prestigious colonial science project was Buitenzorg itself: Zimmerman (2006, p. 437).

  64. 64.

    For a more extensive study of the experiment stations in the Dutch Indies in general, see van der Schoor (2012). For more on coffee research in laboratories and the field on the global level, see McCook (2011).

  65. 65.

    This formed part of a series of two: Koningsberger (1897); Koningsberger and Zimmermann (1901).

  66. 66.

    Hubrecht and Schwendener were leading biologists in the Netherlands and Germany, respectively, hugely influencing the scientific agenda of their national landscapes. For more on Hubrecht, see Bowler (1996, pp. 181–183, 295–296); Nyhart (1995, p. 212); Hopwood (2005); Wille (2009). For more on Schwendener, see Cittadino (1991, p. 27 ff).

  67. 67.

    Koningsberger wrote his dissertation with the botanical professor in Utrecht, Nicolaas Rauwenhoff (1826–1909), but Hubrecht acted as his zoological patron, both during his academic studies and his entomological career afterwards.

  68. 68.

    The classical (and much contested) thesis of Allen (1975). For more on the history of institutional morphology and political machinations in the Netherlands proper between 1850 and 1900, see: Visser (1986); Theunissen and Donath (1986); Theunissen (2000), Chaps. 2, 3, 6, and 8; Jonge (2005); Rooy (2011).

  69. 69.

    Discussed in more detail in my dissertation, Wille, “The stationists, laboratory biology, imperialism, and the lobby for national science politics.”

  70. 70.

    Raf de Bont is preparing a monograph on the biology of the station movement in continental Europe. I would like to thank him for being able to read its manuscript.

  71. 71.

    Zimmerman (2006, p. 437); Raby (2012, p. 7, 56).

  72. 72.

    In 1896, Britton presented a list of 13 important foreign botanical gardens at the 1896 conference of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in Buffalo. He started this list with Buitenzorg, with the London’s famous Kew Gardens in London as a runner-up. The other 11 foreign gardens were Berlin, Paris, Vienna, Geneva, Edinburgh, Dublin, Brussels, Port-of-Spain, Kingston, and Montreal. Went (1898); Britton (1896).

  73. 73.

    Raby (2012, p. 35). Her first chapter deals with the movement in general and Cinchona in particular.

  74. 74.

    Allen (1975); Kohler (2002).

  75. 75.

    Raby (2012, p. 37); Cooper and Stoler (1997, p. 13).

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Acknowledgments

Apart from the editors, I would like to thank Cristine Webb for her extensive comments on this paper.

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Wille, RJ. (2015). The Coproduction of Station Morphology and Agricultural Management in the Tropics: Transformations in Botany at the Botanical Garden at Buitenzorg, Java 1880–1904. In: Phillips, D., Kingsland, S. (eds) New Perspectives on the History of Life Sciences and Agriculture. Archimedes, vol 40. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-12185-7_13

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