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Finnic Minorities of Ingria

The Current Sociolinguistic Situation and Its Background

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Cultural and Linguistic Minorities in the Russian Federation and the European Union

Part of the book series: Multilingual Education ((MULT,volume 13))

Abstract

The chapter discusses Finnic languages spoken in Ingria (Votic, Ingrian and Ingrian Finnish), gives a detailed overview of the current language situation, and analyses the processes that have caused a language and identity shift. There are many common features in the history of these languages, and they greatly influenced each other through intensive language contacts. Nonetheless, the current situation shows individual characteristics for each language. The paper addresses the following issues for each of the three languages: the dialectal structure and historical language contacts; contemporary language situation (the number and geographical distribution of the speakers, their age, gender, mobility, contacts with other languages and attitudes towards the native language); historical background of the present situation; and prospects for the near future and recent language maintenance and revitalization efforts.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For geographical objects, original Finnic names are given first and Russian names follow in parentheses when the place is mentioned for the first time. When later mentioned, only Finnic variants are given. If the Finnic name coincides with the Russian one, it is not doubled in parentheses. There are no universal standards for Finnic hydronyms and toponyms in Ingria. Below we generally follow the Finnish variants of names given in the maps of Ingria by Mustonen (1933), and Randefelt (1992). For the names not indicated in these maps we give variants found in other sources or recorded from the speakers of the corresponding languages.

  2. 2.

    A classification based, for example, on endonyms or exonyms of Finnic people in Ingria in some cases gives different results (Muslimov 2005, 41–71). The ethnic identity of a person in this area does not always correspond to the language that (s)he speaks (some examples will be mentioned below).

  3. 3.

    On the history of this group see a fundamental work by Musaev (2009). In 2012–2013, Mehmet Muslimov together with V. S. Kuleshov examined the present state of Estonian varieties in Ingria. Estonian has almost disappeared from this territory; Muslimov and Kuleshov found only a dozen semi-speakers and a couple of more or less fluent speakers. These Estonians were born in Western and Central Ingria, in the pre-war parishes of Kattila, Novasolkka, Moloskovitsa, Kupanitsa, Serepetta and Koprina. Also, mixed Estonian and Ingrian Finnish speakers were found in the villages of Tikanpesä (Tikopis’) and Brömbeli (Br’umbel’) near Jaama.

  4. 4.

    At the same time (Laanest 1966), the Kukkusi variety is treated as a dialect of Ingrian. The verb ‘to speak’ has the stem läkkää- in Kukkusi.

  5. 5.

    This has been checked recently by Mehmet Muslimov and D. V. Sidorkevič, who visited the villages of Oseresna (Ozerešno), Olhovitsa (Ol’chovec), and Novinka. The Oredeži dialect was already moribund in the 1960s (Laanest 1993, 62).

  6. 6.

    Muslimov discovered about nine semi-speakers of the Hevana dialect, and the language of the only fluent speaker was strongly influenced by standard Finnish.

  7. 7.

    The same phenomenon was described e.g. in Ariste (1957) (the period between visits was 14 years) and also mentioned in Heinsoo (1991, 450).

  8. 8.

    The data on semi-speakers should be considered as a lower bound, because a thorough investigation has never been conducted.

  9. 9.

    For example, Ariste and Adler, nowadays Heinsoo, Muslimov.

  10. 10.

    The ethnic Votes from the Kattila region who were interviewed used the name čud’ in speaking about their ancestors (as opposed to čuchna when speaking about the local Ingrian Finns).

  11. 11.

    Heinsoo mentions that due to the systematic work that Estonian linguists have carried out with Votes since 1947 and efforts to raise the prestige of Votic language and identity, some of their informants have already started to call themselves Votes in Russian (Heinsoo 1991, 450; Heinsoo 1995, 177).

  12. 12.

    Both times it burned down. Recently, the third museum has been built by the authorities. Efimova, in turn, left the village altogether three years ago.

  13. 13.

    We do not consider cases when a person moved from Liivakylä to Luutsa (they both now form a single village of Luutsa), as the two villages do not demonstrate considerable differences.

  14. 14.

    Ethnic Votes in the Kattila region attended schools in Russian.

  15. 15.

    At the same time there still exist mixed Votic/Ingrian and Votic/Finnish idiolects (see below), as well as Votic/Ingrian code-switching (for more details, cf. Ariste 1981; Turunen 1997; Heinsoo 1991; Muslimov 2003, 2005). The result of historical contacts with Ingrian in the Kukkusi dialect was mentioned above.

  16. 16.

    In 2001, the situation was the following: out of 87 competent Ingrian speakers, 44 were married to Ingrians, 21 to Russians, six to Finns, three to Ukrainians, four to Belorussians, two to Votes, three to Estonians, and other speakers were married to a Veps, a Karelian, a Tatar, and a German. Since 2001, we have also collected information on the marriages of 19 Ingrian semi-speakers of the same generation. Among competent speakers 49 % of marriages were to non-Ingrians, while among semi-speakers there were 74 % such marriages.

  17. 17.

    Until recently, this church has been the only one in the area, which is why some Orthodox Ingrians also used to attend it.

  18. 18.

    An NGO representing Ingrian Finns in Finland, Russia, Estonia and Sweden.

  19. 19.

    In fact, he speaks a mixed Ingrian/Finnish idiolect.

  20. 20.

    Cf. also the figures given in Nikolaev (2002, 84–85) for 1999 (for the Soikkola dialect only): 83 speakers (13 men and 70 women, among them six Ingrian couples). He compares these numbers (16 % of men) with the data from Köppen (48 % of men) and notes that these are the consequences of World War II.

  21. 21.

    The difference between the Soikkola and Lower Luga areas in this respect is striking, but we do not have any sound explanation for it. It should be noted that the percentage of men is also high for Votic speakers living in the Lower Luga area. In 2006, men were approx. 25 % of the Ingrian Finns of the Lower Luga area, while in the Hatsina area this percentage was a bit lower at 22 %.

  22. 22.

    For example, librarians living in the villages of Mättähä (Gorki) and Suuri Narvusi, history teachers in Loka (Logi) and Suuri Narvusi, and the former head of the Ingrian museum in Viistina.

  23. 23.

    The Community deals with social rather than with language issues, and the revitalization of the Ingrian language remains beyond its main goals.

  24. 24.

    Among 28 Soikkola Ingrians interviewed, only ten persons were members of the Ingrian Community in 2006. Lower Luga Ingrians had not even heard about the Ingrian Community at all.

  25. 25.

    Speakers who used to live permanently or during the summer in a village, but moved to towns after 2006, were counted as residents of the respective villages.

  26. 26.

    In this case it means either Ingrian Finnish or Kattila Votic villages. We have left out Ingrians living in towns or Russian villages, as our data here is too scarce.

  27. 27.

    The consonantal shift from *k to č before front vowels is one of the most prominent features of Votic compared to Ingrian (apart from the Kreevin and Kukkusi dialects where the shift did not take place).

  28. 28.

    It used to be extremely untypical for Lutheran Ingrian Finns to marry Orthodox Russians, Ingrians or Votes, but after World War II such mixed marriages became widespread (Teinonen and Virtanen 1999, 46, 108–109).

  29. 29.

    There are 16 Lutheran churches in Ingria and home divine services in Konnu (Konnovo), Viipiä (Vyb’je), Sääskelä (Sjas’kelevo), Hynnisen Siiverska (Novosiverskaja).

  30. 30.

    This appellation for their language is typical for Ingrian Finns.

  31. 31.

    Juhannus had been also celebrated before the revolution, but this tradition was stopped in 1928 (Musaev 2004, 358).

  32. 32.

    Musaev (Musaev 2004, 23–24, 55–56) notes that Peter the Great actively encouraged the Russian population to settle in Ingria. Also, at the turn of the 19th century the Russian government aimed at the Russification of national minorities, especially through the medium of education.

  33. 33.

    In 1919–1920, however, there existed an Ingrian “ministate” on the territory around Kirjasalo in Northern Ingria (Musaev 2004, 172).

  34. 34.

    In Ariste (1960, 206) a shift from Votic not only to Ingrian, but also to Finnish is mentioned.

  35. 35.

    For the 1927–1928 school year, Musaev (2004, 182) indicates 261 Finnish and 75 Estonian primary and secondary schools in the Leningrad region.

  36. 36.

    According to our data, Ingrian Finns attending school at that time studied from one up to seven years in Finnish.

  37. 37.

    It was already said that Votic people were treated by the Russians as a part of the Ingrian population.

  38. 38.

    The majority of Soikkola and Lower Luga Ingrians who attended primary school in the period between 1931 and 1937 studied in Ingrian from several months up to four years. For the 1935 school year, Musaev and Vadim (Musaev 2004, 248) indicates 18 primary and five secondary Ingrian schools in the Leningrad region. Soikkola Ingrians in the Sista river region, as well as Hevaha Ingrians were educated in Russian, as young people in those regions no longer spoke the language (Selickaja 1965, 302).

  39. 39.

    Musaev (2004, 221) indicates no more than one to two percent kulak farms for the mid 1920s.

  40. 40.

    A protocol signed in Revel (Tallinn) on November 4, 1943 (Schlussprotokoll über die Beendigung der Umsiedlung der Ingermanländer aus dem Generalbezirk Estland und dem Bereich der Heeresgruppe Nord) stated that “a special unit of the Finnish State Police has checked the political loyalty of people from Ingria.” The original records of the relocation to Finland were made accessible to us by the National Archives of Finland, Helsinki and the Auswärtiges Amt Politisches Archiv, Berlin.

  41. 41.

    A secret letter from the supreme command of the northern group of troops, June 14, 1943, states: “Still I ask to refrain from extending the resettlement of people from Ingria by another 10,000, or even a total resettlement, which was discussed by the Finnish Resettlement Commission with the General Commissioner in Tallinn, if there is no urgent foreign policy need to make concessions to the Finnish government” (signed by von Küchler).

  42. 42.

    In 1943 there were about 3,000 people from Ingria in Germany (Musaev 2004, 301).

  43. 43.

    Agreement on Relocation of Population from Ingria to Finland, which is annexed to the letter addressed to the supreme command of the Army Group North, June 6, 1943.

  44. 44.

    Though the cases were also attested, when Finns from the villages at the front line were indeed asked and agreed to relocate, as active military actions were going on in their villages, all the houses were burnt and the living conditions were very poor. Speakers also indicated that relocation was also voluntary in those Rosona river Ingrian and Finnish villages that belonged to Estonia in 1920–1940

  45. 45.

    Among Ingrians, for example, the inhabitants of Kukkusi, Kotko (Orly), Vanakylä, Haavikko (Kejkino) in the Lower Luga area and also individual Soikkola families.

  46. 46.

    For example, the government moved more than 8,000 Russians from the Vladimirskaja, Rjazanskaja, Kalininskaja, Gor’kovskaja and Jaroslavskaja regions to Ingria in 1948–1949 (Musaev 2004, 332–333).

  47. 47.

    http://elf.org.ru/index.php?i=lang&lng=vodsk&l.

  48. 48.

    http://elf.org.ru/index.php?i=lang&lng=izhor&l.

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Acknowledgments

This chapter is based on research supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities (projects 08-04-152a and 08-04-00172a), the Alfred Kordelin Foundation, and the Estonian Research Council (project IUT2-37).

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Kuznetsova, N., Markus, E., Muslimov, M. (2015). Finnic Minorities of Ingria. In: Marten, H., Rießler, M., Saarikivi, J., Toivanen, R. (eds) Cultural and Linguistic Minorities in the Russian Federation and the European Union. Multilingual Education, vol 13. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-10455-3_6

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