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Hippodamos and Phoenicia: On City Planning and Social Order in a Transcultural Context

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The Dynamics of Transculturality

Abstract

The relationship between the Greek and the Phoenician culture is a subject of long and heated debate in the field of ancient studies. The central question is whether the well-known cultural achievements of the Greeks were more or less indigenous inventions or whether there were influential eastern predecessors, especially among the Phoenicians. From a transcultural perspective, however, it is absolutely essential to study the formation of the Mediterranean cultures together in order to understand the complex strands of development in its entirety. The author demonstrates this by using the example of urban development from the sixth to fourth centuries BC. During this period Greek and Phoenician settlements reveal a remarkable change from irregularly grown layouts of a rural character to elaborately designed plans that created an outstanding urban space. Because of the fragmentary findings and the close interactions between these two cultures, it is absolutely futile to differentiate which features of this development originated in which cultural sphere. From the Greek literary tradition we know that the layout of cities was discussed in the context of the intellectual discourse on political constitutions. A key figure in this regard was Hippodamos of Miletus, a political philosopher from the fifth century BC. Taking this into consideration, the author suggests that both the urban and the sociopolitical development in this period must be seen not as a genuine Greek phenomenon but as a process shared by the entangled Mediterranean cultures.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Barbara Mundt, ed., Die Verführung der Europa. Exhibition Berlin 1988 (Berlin: Propyläen-Verlag, 1988). Siegfried Salzmann, ed., Mythos Europa: Europa und der Stier im Zeitalter der Industriellen Revolution. Exhibition Bremen-Bonn 1988 (Hamburg: Ellert und Richter, 1988).

  2. 2.

    See Hartmut Matthäus, “Zur Rezeption orientalischer Kunst-, Kultur- und Lebensformen in Griechenland,” in Anfänge des politischen Denkens in der Antike: Die nahöstlichen Kulturen und die Griechen, ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub and Elisabeth Müller-Luckner (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1993), 165–186; Walter Burkert, Babylon, Memphis, Persepolis: Eastern Contexts of Greek Culture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007).

  3. 3.

    Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Homerische Untersuchungen (Berlin: Weidmann, 1884), 215.

  4. 4.

    Jacob Burckhardt, Griechische Kulturgeschichte I (Berlin: Spemann, 1898), fol. 59.

  5. 5.

    Fritz Gschnitzer, “Die Stellung der Polis in der politischen Entwicklung des Altertums,” Oriens Antiquus 27 (1988): 301.

  6. 6.

    Kurt A. Raaflaub, “Zwischen Ost und West. Phönizische Einflüsse auf die griechische Polisbildung?,” in Griechische Archaik. Interne Entwicklungen––Externe Impulse. Workshop Innsbruck 2001, ed. Robert Rollinger and Christoph Ulf (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 2004), 283.

  7. 7.

    For example, compare the different contributions in Kurt A. Raaflaub and Elisabeth Müller-Luckner, eds., Anfänge des politischen Denkens in der Antike: Die nahöstlichen Kulturen und die Griechen (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1993). Supporting generally the importance of the eastern impact on the Greek polis see Linda-Marie Günther, “Die Phönizier und die Entstehung der griechischen ‘Polis,’” in Archeologia e arte, vol. 2 of Alle soglie della classicità: Il Mediterraneo tra tradizione e innovazione. Studi in onore di Sabatino Mosacati, ed. Enrico Acquaro (Pisa: Instituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 1996), 789–799; Nancy Demand, “The Origins of the Polis: The View from Cyprus,” in Res Maritimae. Symposium Nicosia, ed. Stuart Swiny, Robert L. Hohlfelder, and Helena Wylde Swiny (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 99–105; Michael Sommer, Europas Ahnen. Ursprünge des Politischen bei den Phönikern (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2000).

  8. 8.

    The bulk of literature on “Greek political thought” is significant, whereas nothing of the sort exists concerning the ancient Near East. An early contribution is Thomas A. Sinclair, A History of Greek Political Thought (London: Routledge & Paul, 1951). Particularly influential was Christian Meier’s concept of a Greek “Sonderweg,” see Christian Meier, Die Entstehung des Politischen bei den Griechen (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1980). Also, see Christian Meier, “Die Griechen, die politische Revolution der Weltgeschichte,” Saeculum: Jahrbuch für Universalgeschichte 33 (1982): 133–147. This strongly hellenocentric position was followed by Kurt A. Raaflaub, “Die Anfänge des politischen Denkens bei den Griechen,” Historische Zeitschrift 248 (1989): 1–32. and by Henning Ottmann, Geschichte des politischen Denkens von den Anfängen bei den Griechen bis auf unsere Zeit, vol 1, bk. 1 of Die Griechen: Von Homer bis Sokrates (Stuttgart: Metzler, 2001). More recent publications include Ryan K. Balot, ed., A Companion to Greek and Roman Political Thought (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009); Paul Cartledge, Ancient Greek Political Thought in Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Stephen Salkever, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

  9. 9.

    Proceeding from a model of the formation of an idea in mutual transcultural exchange, terms like “transfer,” “flow,” or “circulation” seem inadequate to describe this process (see Introduction to this volume, chap. III) since they imply the movement of a complete concept.

  10. 10.

    In this sense Sommer argues that it is quite implausible that the similarities between Greeks and Phoenicians are mere chance, given their historical and geographical closeness, see Europas Ahnen, 273. (“‘Zufall’, schon unwahrscheinlich auf Grund der geographischen und historischen Nähe der alten Levante zu Griechenland, wird undenkbar, wenn die Übertragung anderer, der politischen Akkulturation vergleichbarer Kulturleistungen nachzuweisen ist.”)

  11. 11.

    Studies on the Phoenician political system include those by Josette Elayi, Recherches sur les cités phéniciennes à l’époque perse (Naples: Instituto Universitario Oriental, 1988); Fritz Gschnitzer, “Phoinikisch-karthagisches Verfassungsdenken,” in Anfänge des politischen Denkens in der Antike. Die nahöstlichen Kulturen und die Griechen, ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub and Elisabeth Müller-Luckner (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1993), 187–198; and Sommer, Europas Ahnen.

  12. 12.

    Gschnitzer, Verfassungsdenken; Sommer, Europas Ahnen, 270–272.

  13. 13.

    Mogens H. Hansen and Thomas H. Nielsen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

  14. 14.

    As it is conveyed, for example, by Burckhardt’s statement quoted above. See note 5.

  15. 15.

    A good, up-to-date review of the development of the city in the Greek world is given by Marie-Christine Hellman, Habitat, urbanisme et fortifications, vol. 3, L’architecture Grecque (Paris: Picard, 2010), 180–213.

  16. 16.

    Armin von Gerkan, Griechische Städteanlagen (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1924), 42–61; Ferdinando Castagnoli, Ippodamo di Mileto e l’urbanistica a pianta ortogonale (Rome: de Luca, 1956). Roland Martin, L’urbanisme dans la Grèce antique, 2nd ed. (Paris: Picard & Cie, 1974), 97–126; David Asheri, “Osservazioni sulle origine dell’urbanistica Ippodamea,” Rivista Storica Italiana 87, no. 1 (1975): 5–16; Emanuele Greco and Mario Torelli, Storia dell’urbanistica: Il mondo greco (Rome: Laterza, 1983), 233–50. Wolfram Hoepfner and Ernst-Ludwig Schwandner, Haus und Stadt im Klassischen Griechenland (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1986), 247–254; Emanuele Greco, “Dalla Ionia alla Magna Grecia: Ippodamo di Mileto tra utopia e prassi,” in Magna Grecia e Oriente Mediterraneo prima dell’età ellenistica. Atti del trentanovesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 1999, ed. Attilio Stazio (Taranto: Istituto per la storia e l’archeologia della Magna Grecia, 2000), 575–584; Georg Steinhauer, “Ο Ιππόδαμος και η διαίρεσις του Πειραιώς,” in Atene e l’Occidente. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Athens 2006, ed. Emanuele Greco and Mario Lombardo (Athens: Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, 2007), 191–209; Hellmann, L’architecture, 191–204.

  17. 17.

    Italo Lana, “L’utopia die Ippodamo di Mileto,” Rivista di Filosofia 40, (1949): 125–151; Alfred Burns, “Hippodamos and the Planned City,” Historia 25, no. 4 (1976): 414–428. Joachim Szidat, “Hippodamus von Milet. Seine Rolle in Theorie und Praxis der griechischen Stadtplanung,” Bonner Jahrbücher 180, (1980): 31–44; Patrizia Benvenuti Falcai, Ippodamo di Mileto. Architetto e Filosofo (Florence: Istituto di Filologia Classica Giorgio Pasquali, 1982); Charlotte Triebel-Schubert and Ulrike Muss, “Hippodamus von Milet. Staatstheoretiker oder Städteplaner?,” Hephaistos 5/6, (1983): 37–60; Hans-Joachim Gehrke, “Bemerkungen zu Hippodamos von Milet,” in Demokratie und Architektur. Der hippodamische Städtebau und die Entstehung der Demokratie, ed. Wolfgang Schuller (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1989), 58–63; Wulf Raeck, “Hippodamos und Pytheos: Zum Bild des Stadtplaners in der griechischen Klassik,” in Synergia: Festschrift für Friedrich Krinzinger, ed. Barbara Brand, Verena Gassner and Sabine Ladstätter (Vienna: Phoibos, 2005), 339–342; Graham Shipley, “Little Boxes on the Hillside: Greek Town Planning, Hippodamos, and Polis Ideology,” in The Imaginary Polis. Symposium Copenhagen 2004, ed. Mogens H. Hansen (Copenhagen: The Royal Danish Academy of Science and Letters, 2005), 351–380; David W. J. Gill, “Hippodamus and the Piraeus,” Historia 55, no. 1 (2006): 1–15.

  18. 18.

    Wolfram Hoepfner and Ernst-Ludwig Schwandner, Haus und Stadt im Klassischen Griechenland, 2nd ed. (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1994), 1–9; Shipley, Little Boxes, 338–350; Hellmann, L’architecture, 186–191.

  19. 19.

    The sources are compiled in Shipley, Little Boxes, 386–388.

  20. 20.

    Aristophanes, Knights Scholion 327; Hesychios, Photios, and Suda s. v. Hippodamou nemesis, respectively Hippodameia.

  21. 21.

    The exact date of the construction is controversial and ranges from 470 to 430 BC.

  22. 22.

    See below Chap. 3.

  23. 23.

    Gerkan, Städteanlagen, 45–46; Hoepfner and Schwandner, Haus und Stadt, 2nd ed., 17–22.

  24. 24.

    Emanuele Greco, “Turi,” in La città greca antica: Istituzioni, società e forme urbane, ed. Emanuele Greco (Rome: Donzelli, 1999), 413–430; Emanuele Greco, “The Urban Plan of Thurioi. Literary Sources and Archaeological Evidence for a Hippodamian City,” in Inside the City in the Greek World. Studies of Urbanism from the Bronze Age to the Hellenistic Period, ed. Sara Owen and Laura Preston (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2009), 108–117.

  25. 25.

    Richard Ernest Wycherley, “Hippodamus and Rhodes,” Historia 13, (1964): 135–139; Burns, “Hippodamos,” 421–427; Hoepfner, Schwandner, Haus und Stadt, 2nd ed., 51–67.

  26. 26.

    This insight was provided by Asheri, Osservazioni, 16, “… a modo suo, anche il nostro povero Ippodamo scoprì, o riscoprì, dopo tutto, qualcosa di nuovo.” (“… in his own way even our poor Hippodamos invented or reinvented something new after all.”)

  27. 27.

    The basic studies were published in Arthur Milchhöfer, “Der Peiraieus,” in Karten von Attika: Erläuternder Text, Heft 1: Athen und Peiraieus, ed. Ernst Curtius and Johann A. Kaupert (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1881), 23–71 and Walther Judeich, Topographie von Athen, 2nd ed., vol, 2, part 2 of Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaften 3 (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1931), 430–456. For a compilation of all the archaeological findings, see Klaus-Valtin von Eickstedt, Beiträge zur Topographie des antiken Piräus (Athens: Archaiologike Hetaireia, 1991). Eickstedt, however, failed to draw broader urbanistic conclusions. These were provided by Hoepfner and Schwandner, Haus und Stadt, 2nd ed., 22–50. A revised plan and some additional aspects can be found in Wolfram Hoepfner, ed., Geschichte des Wohnens (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1999), 1: 213–221. It must be said, that Hoepfner and Schwandner tend to subordinate the archaeological findings to their rather ideological concept of classical urbanism. The publications of Georg Steinhauer, “Ancient Pireaus: The city of Themistocles and Hippodamus,” in Πειραιας: κεντρο ναυτιλιας και πολιτισμου, ed. Matina G. Malikute, Georg Steinhauer and Basias Tsokopulos (Athens: Ephesos, 2000), 9–123 and id. Ιππόδαμος, 191–209, are the most up to date, combining all the former studies with recent excavation findings, though a concluding scientific compilation of his results is still needed. Subsequent articles by Burns and Fausto Longo, “L’impianto urbano del Pireo tra dati reali e proiezioni immaginarie,” in Atene e la Magna Grecia dall’età arcaica all’ellenismo, 47° convegno di studi sulla magna grecia, Taranto 2007 (Taranto: Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna Grecia, 2008), 137–156.

  28. 28.

    Hoepfner and Schwandner, Haus und Stadt, 2nd ed., proposed a very strict uniformity of the single houses (“Typenhäuser”) and interpreted them, with a strong ideological bent, as a result of the radical democracy. This view was criticized by most colleagues (cf. Wolfgang Schuller and Wolfram Hoepfner, eds., Demokratie und Architektur: Der hippodamische Städtebau und die Entstehung der Demokratie, Symposion Konstanz 1987 (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1989). The similarity of the houses is undeniable thanks to the examination of fifteen partly excavated houses. See Steinhauer, Ancient Piraeus, 99. This fact can be interpreted as a natural consequence of the need to build a Greek house with several constitutive features on a given plot of land; however, this controversial aspect is of marginal importance to this paper.

  29. 29.

    Gill, Hippodamos, 5–10.

  30. 30.

    Hoepfner and Schwandner, Haus und Stadt, 2nd ed., 68–113; Hoepfner, Geschichte des Wohnens, 261–279; Nicholas Cahill, Household and City Organization at Olynthus (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001).

  31. 31.

    Hoepfner and Schwandner, Haus und Stadt, 2nd ed., 188–225. Hoepfner, Geschichte des Wohnens, 338–351.

  32. 32.

    See, for instance, Hoepfner and Schwandner, Haus und Stadt, 2nd ed. and Hoepfner, Geschichte des Wohnens.

  33. 33.

    Hellmann, L’architecture, 169–178.

  34. 34.

    For recent contributions to research on Phoenician urban planning, see: Sophie Helas and Dirce Marzoli, eds., Phönizisches und punisches Städtewesen, Akten der internationalen Tagung, Rome 2007 (Mainz: Zabern, 2009).

  35. 35.

    Friedrich Rakob. “XIII. Zur Siedlungsgeschichte des punischen Karthago,” in Die Deutschen Ausgrabungen in Karthago, Karthago I, ed. Friedrich Rakob (Mainz: Zabern 1990), 228–238; Hans Georg Niemeyer, Roald F. Docter, and Karin Schmidt, ed., Karthago: Die Ergebnisse der Hamburger Grabung unter dem Decumanus Maximus (Mainz: Zabern, 2007), 1: 233–238.

  36. 36.

    The results of the excavations 1953–1976 are published in Mhamed Hassine Fantar, Kerkouane. 3 vols. (Tunis: Inst. National d’Archéologie et d’Art, 1984–1986).

  37. 37.

    Peter A. Miglus, Städtische Wohnarchitektur in Babylonien und Assyrien (Mainz: Zabern, 1999), 21–22, 66–67,105–106, 139–140, 186–187, 198, 203–204.

  38. 38.

    Translation R. G. Bury.

  39. 39.

    Ephraim Stern, Excavation at Dor: Final Report, 1A: Areas A and C: Introduction and Stratigraphy (Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University, 1995), 37, fig. 4.2.

  40. 40.

    Benedikt S. J. Isserlin, “Some Common Features in Phoenician/Punic Town Planning,” Rivista di Studi Fenici I, (1973): 153, fig. 9.

  41. 41.

    Josette Elayi and Hala Sayegh, Un quatier du port phénicien de Beyrouth au Fer III/Perse: 2. Archéologie et histoire (Paris: Gabalda, 2000); Josette Elayi, “An Unexpected Archaeological Treasure: The Phoenician Quarters in Beirut City Center,” Near Eastern Archaeology 73, no. 2–3 (2010): 156–168.

  42. 42.

    Antonella Italia and Daniela Lima, “Solunto: Struttura urbana e tipologia residenziale,” Sicilia Archeologia 65 (1987): 57–72; Vincenzo Tusa, “Punici e Greci a Solunto,” Quaderni dell’Istituto di Archeologia della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia della Università di Messina 3 (2002): 165–181; Elisa C. Portale, “Problemi dell’archeologia della Sicilia ellenistico-romana: Il caso di Solunto,” Archeologia Classica 57 (2006): 49–114; Francesca Spatafora, “Dagli emporia fenici alle città puniche. Elementi di continuità e discontinuità nell’organizzazione urbanistica di Palermo e Solunto,” in Phönizisches und punisches Städtewesen, Akten der internationalen Tagung Rom 2007. ed. Sophie Helas and Dirce Marzoli (Mainz: Zabern, 2009), 219–237.

  43. 43.

    Isserlin, Common features, 135–153, tries to map the characteristic features of Phoenician cities in contrast to Greek city layouts. However, his concluding description of the typical Phoenician town barely elucidates any significant differences from a Greek one.

  44. 44.

    In the Aegean there is a clear gap in the urban tradition after the decline of the Mycenean palatial culture in the late second millenium BC. Some Greek states like Sparta or Arcadia did not establish real cities before the fourth century BC.

  45. 45.

    In Greek towns, too, the uniformity of houses turned out to be exceptional. In the Hellenistic Period big differences in the sizes of the single houses within uniform insulae became the rule.

  46. 46.

    At Miletus a regular street grid must have already been under construction before the Persian destruction of 494 BC, see Berthold F. Weber, “Der Stadtplan von Milet,” in Frühes Ionien: Eine Bestandsaufnahme, Panionion-Symposium Güzelçamlı 1999, ed. Justus Cobet et al. (Mainz: Zabern, 2007), 327–362.

  47. 47.

    Translation H. Rackham; see also Sita von Reden, “The Piraeus: A World Apart,” Greece & Rome 42, no. 1 (1995): 24–37.

  48. 48.

    Translation H. Rackham.

  49. 49.

    Schuller and Hoepfner, Demokratie und Architektur. Stefano Ferrucci, “‘Belle case private’ e case tutte uguali nell’Atene del V secolo a. C.,” Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica 124, (1996): 408–434; Shipley, Little Boxes, 382–386.

  50. 50.

    Cahill, Household, vii, 2–22.

  51. 51.

    Diodorus Siculus 12, 9–11. See Lucio Bertelli, “Progettare la ‘polis’,” in I Greci 2: Una storia greca, Vol. II. Definizione, ed. Salvatore Settis (Torino: Einaudi, 1997), 572–582. Greco, Turi. Greco, Dalla Ionia alla Magna Grecia. Greco, Urban Plan.

  52. 52.

    Aristophanes, Birds, 992–1019.

  53. 53.

    Regarding theoretical considerations on the transfer of political concepts, see the Introduction of this book.

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Acknowledgments

I am grateful for comments and corrections from Antje Flüchter, Margareta Pavaloi, Stefan Dietrich, and Ricarda Wagner. Thanks also to Nicholas Cahill, Josette Elayi, Mounir Fantar, Wolfram Hoepfner, Georg Steinhauer, and Agata Villa for granting permission to reproduce the plans.

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  1. The Institute for Classical Archaeology of Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany

    Nicolas Zenzen

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  1. IKOS, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway

    Antje Flüchter

  2. Research Center for Distributional Conflict and Globalisation, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany

    Jivanta Schöttli

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Zenzen, N. (2015). Hippodamos and Phoenicia: On City Planning and Social Order in a Transcultural Context. In: Flüchter, A., Schöttli, J. (eds) The Dynamics of Transculturality. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09740-4_4

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