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The Dynamics of Transculturality pp 255–277Cite as

Importing and Exporting Gods? On the Flow of Deities Between Egypt and Its Neighboring Countries

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Abstract

This is a case study concerning the interaction between Ancient Egypt and its neighbors, as far as deities are involved. The chapter shall illustrate how several quite different attitudes can be perceived under different political and social conditions. In the earliest periods for which we have written sources available, we can already demonstrate that deities of foreign origin were known in Egypt and received some attention––but at the same time that deities whose origins are likely to be Egyptian could be stylized as lords of foreign regions. These Egyptian deities could actually be taken up by the locals if they wrote in Egyptian language, at least in places with particularly strong ties to Egypt. Foreign deities could also be taken up by Egyptians as a form of “learned borrowing,” especially for magical purposes. A substantial veneration of foreign deities was introduced by migrants, although the details vary considerably between different ethnicities, with some establishing substantial cults of their traditional gods and others almost abandoning them. Egyptian gods had a considerable impact in foreign countries as images, but their names and the details of their mythology were rarely taken up in detail before the Hellenistic period. Finally, there are a few real as well as fictional attestations that specific powerful, divine statues could be lent to other countries for a limited time. Taken together, these different facets serve as examples of the various reactions under different socio-political conditions in an early form of globalization.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Most recently Enmarch (2008, 145). See Quack (2010a, 19).

  2. 2.

    This means also that it was possible to take gods into exile after conquering a foreign region, but since this does not entail veneration for the deity in its new place, I will not dwell on that issue here.

  3. 3.

    For example, in the Tale of Wenamun, see Schipper (2005). See globally Quack (2010a).

  4. 4.

    (Engelmann 1975, 12–13.)

  5. 5.

    In Anatolia there were even specific rituals for establishing a new cult place for a deity that was located elsewhere, see Miller (2004, 259–439). I am not aware of similar written compositions attested from Ancient Egypt.

  6. 6.

    (Schumacher 1988, 15, 18–19, 22–28); (Morenz 2013, 315–332).

  7. 7.

    (McFarlane 1995).

  8. 8.

    (Gauthier 1931, 188–199). I have suggested (Quack 2001, 599 and Quack 2010c, 318) that the text might actually be a garbled form of Puntite.

  9. 9.

    (Bleeker 1956, 34–40).

  10. 10.

    (Fuscaldo 1982); (Zivie-Coche 1994, 50–51); (Török 2009, 215–216, 220).

  11. 11.

    (Allam 1963, 76–89).

  12. 12.

    Lastly edited and studied in detail by Martin (1998).

  13. 13.

    Texts collected in Helck (1983, 20). See for the analysis Flammini (2010).

  14. 14.

    Text and image in Gibson (1982, 93–99, pl. IV), with bibliography. For the goddess of Byblos, see now Zernecke (2013).

  15. 15.

    (Jourdain-Annequin 2002); (Calame 2011); (von Lieven, forthcoming a).

  16. 16.

    (Hoffmann 1995, 96–97). See Ryholt (2013, 76).

  17. 17.

    A text glorifying a deity and presenting its principal deeds.

  18. 18.

    Original Text edition (Grenfell and Hunt 1915, 190–220); French rendering with commentary (Lafaye 1916); new edition with bibliography (Totti 1985, 62–75).

  19. 19.

    (Bricault 2001, 77).

  20. 20.

    (von Lieven, forthcoming b).

  21. 21.

    (Bricault 2008, 220–224).

  22. 22.

    See for example, (Sidebotham 1986); (Boussac and Salles 2005); (Sidebotham 2011); for depictions of Indians found in Egypt, see Booth (2005, 59–65).

  23. 23.

    For the basic edition and study, see Knudtzon (1915); modern English translation in Moran (1992).

  24. 24.

    (Bakir 1970, 55–64).

  25. 25.

    See for example Sowada (2009, 128–141).

  26. 26.

    Edition in Edel (1997); some remarks in Quack (2002b).

  27. 27.

    (Edel 1997, 99–101).

  28. 28.

    (Schneider 2000).

  29. 29.

    As proposed by Schneider (2000) who understands the writing as a phonetic rendering of Aṯtaru. I am not quite convinced of this because even under the most favourable circumstances his proposal required two interchanges of voiced and voiceless sounds. See Quack (2010b, 75). Recently, Steiner (2011, 13 and 38) has proposed taking the Egyptian meaning as an indication that this figure is a sun-god; however, the verb in question, while meaning “hot” or “burning,” is not normally used in Egyptian texts for describing the sun-god.

  30. 30.

    (Pardee 1989, 60–61); but see Noegel (2006) who proposes a different (even if hardly definitive) etymology.

  31. 31.

    Phonetically, it would require the rendering of an Egyptian voiceless labial by a voiced labial in Ugaritic.

  32. 32.

    (Pardee 1999).

  33. 33.

    (Kákosy 1990); an additional attestation is likely to be preserved in a Late Period magical manuscript (pBrooklyn 47.218.138, x+XVI, 29), see Goyon (2012, 120 and 123, note 13) who misunderstands the name. For the correct explanation see Quack (2013b, 271).

  34. 34.

    New edition and study in Collombert & Coulon (2000).

  35. 35.

    For a particularly instructive case, see Fischer-Elfert (2011).

  36. 36.

    (Kákosy 1999, 126–128).

  37. 37.

    See for example Quack (2004).

  38. 38.

    Some cases are presented in Quack (2013a).

  39. 39.

    See for example (Helck 1971, 342–369); (Schneider 1998–2003); (Sparks 2004).

  40. 40.

    For instance, (Stadelmann 1967); (Helck 1971, 446–473); (Zivie-Coche 1994); (Cornelius 1994); (Cornelius 2004); (Lipiński 2005); (Tazawa 2009); (Münnich 2013, 80–119).

  41. 41.

    Originally published in Hassan (1953, 259f); see also the proposal by Radwan (1998), which I find difficult to endorse for phonetic reasons.

  42. 42.

    The text is edited in Meeks (2006, 21–23) who has misread the name Hauron; for the correction, see Quack (2008, 109).

  43. 43.

    (Assmann 1996, 431–463).

  44. 44.

    For the foreign deities in Egypt in the Graeco-Roman period, see Tallet & Zivie-Coche (2012).

  45. 45.

    (Thompson 2012, 81–98).

  46. 46.

    In an unpublished demotic manual of terrestrial omina from the Roman period, in connection with bad omina from the behavior of horses, it is still recommended to implore Astarte in order to ward off the danger.

  47. 47.

    (Zauzich 2000, 38 (Nr. 173)).

  48. 48.

    An example of Astarte as a receiver of offerings by a Ptolemaic king can be found in Thiers (2003, 189f.). There, she is connected with horses and fighting, quite in keeping with her original character, but at the same time she is embedded in the Egyptian conceptions about Osiris. Also, her iconography has been adapted to that of Egyptian goddesses like Hathor or Isis.

  49. 49.

    (Hölscher 1955).

  50. 50.

    (Kitchen 1996); (Jansen-Winkeln 2002).

  51. 51.

    (Vittmann 2003, 19–20).

  52. 52.

    Overall synthesis in Török (2009).

  53. 53.

    (Zibelius-Chen 1988); (Smith 1995).

  54. 54.

    (Rocheleau 2008).

  55. 55.

    See the remarks by Müller (2009, 262f).

  56. 56.

    (Morkot 2000); (Redford 2004).

  57. 57.

    (Török 1997, 500–510).

  58. 58.

    (Morris 2005).

  59. 59.

    (Hein 1991).

  60. 60.

    (Wimmer 1998).

  61. 61.

    See the not quite satisfactory study by Wüthrich (2010).

  62. 62.

    So especially (Zibelius 2005); (Rilly 2007).

  63. 63.

    (Vittmann 2003, 74).

  64. 64.

    For the restoration of the lacuna, see Quack (2002a, 723 with note 37).

  65. 65.

    See for instance, (Zeidler 1994); (Zadok 2005); (Radner 2009, 223–226).

  66. 66.

    For the substantial impact of Egyptian deities to the south, see the remarks on Nubia above.

  67. 67.

    (Eder 1995); (Teissier 1996).

  68. 68.

    (Quack 1999, 220–221).

  69. 69.

    (McGovern 1985).

  70. 70.

    (Herrmann 1994, 2002, 2006, 2007).

  71. 71.

    See for example (Vercoutter 1945); (Clerc et al. 1976); (Gamer-Wallert 1978); (Hölbl 1979, 1986); (Padró i Parcerisa 1983); (Fourrier 2009).

  72. 72.

    (Hölbl 1989, 116–123); (Müller 2001).

  73. 73.

    See also De Salvia (2000) who is perhaps a bit too certain that the name Isis goes with the image.

  74. 74.

    For the adaptation of Egyptian elements in Phoenician iconography, see Gubel (1998, 2000a, 2000b, 2009).

  75. 75.

    (Vittmann 2003, 74–83).

  76. 76.

    (Baumgarten 1981). Thot can also be associated with Jewish elements, see for example, Mussies (1982); Kotansky (1994, 3–12).

  77. 77.

    (Vittmann 2003, 74–81).

  78. 78.

    Bibliography in Malaise (2011, 35f).

  79. 79.

    For the geographical spread see Bricault (2001).

  80. 80.

    See the contribution by Nagel in this volume.

  81. 81.

    (Wünsch 1898).

  82. 82.

    See Meier (2007, 191–193) who rightly stresses that the divine wish to go has to be made explicit.

  83. 83.

    Translation in Moran (1992, 61–62).

  84. 84.

    Studied by Morschauser (1988); (Broze 1989); some notes in Kitchen (1999, 165–168).

  85. 85.

    Most scholars have dated it to the Ptolemaic Period, following Erman (1883). However, de Cenival (1987, 279) has argued based on stylistic arguments that it should be dated instead to the twenty-first dynasty. Still, the linguistic and orthographic criteria already adduced by Erman (1883, 56–58) in my opinion exclude such an early date for the actual stela, even if the origin of at least some core of the text in the twenty-first dynasty is not unlikely. Winand (1991, 456f.) proposes dating the stela to the time of dynasty 28–30, based on linguistic criteria.

  86. 86.

    So still Broze (1989, 10); Burkard (1994, 48).

  87. 87.

    Unfortunately, the relevant texts are still unpublished; see Ryholt (2013, 67); (Quack, forthcoming). The relatively frequent attestations make it somewhat unlikely that the name is a simple misreading of an original “Hatti,” as is still endorsed by Kitchen (1999, 168) and Cannuyer (2010, 100–103).

  88. 88.

    It has been proposed that this character was modelled on a historically attested figure from the time of Ramses II (Cannuyer 2001), but I am not quite convinced.

  89. 89.

    For the spirit, see also Adams (2007, 12–13).

  90. 90.

    The relation of the two forms of Khons as superior and inferior is evident already in the image of the stela, where the barque of Khons in Thebes Neferhotep is carried by more priests and receives incense directly from the king, while the barque of Khons who makes plans and drives away the roaming spirits receives incense only from a priest.

  91. 91.

    Several such points, especially similarities to Ramses’ II marriage with a Hittite princess, have already been pointed out by previous commentators.

  92. 92.

    (Norris 1982, 190–192).

  93. 93.

    For example Appadurai (1996). It is significant that Shami (2000, esp. 188–197) already speaks of a “prehistory of globalisation” when discussing material going back to the middle of the nineteenth century CE (none of the phenomena discussed in that article surpasses in distance or number of people involved what was going on in antiquity). A bit more outreaching is Harris (2007) who uses the term “incipient globalization” in reference to the sixth century CE. Appiah (2006, 111–113) is quite aware of the high age of the phenomena of “contamination” and cross–cultural fertilization.

  94. 94.

    Thus, Scholte (2000, 62–88).

  95. 95.

    A very recent contribution to analyzing ancient civilizations as cases of globalization is Jennigs (2011).

  96. 96.

    See Burke (2009, esp. 66f. and 70f.) who rightly stresses that there are varieties of situations and that some cultures have a much greater propensity than others to accommodate alien elements.

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    Joachim Friedrich Quack

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Quack, J.F. (2015). Importing and Exporting Gods? On the Flow of Deities Between Egypt and Its Neighboring Countries. In: Flüchter, A., Schöttli, J. (eds) The Dynamics of Transculturality. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09740-4_11

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